Discussion of Kassite History
Discussion of Israelites History
by Damien Mackey
CIAS Encyclopedia
The History of Zimri Lim
A Jewish Heroin
Toledoth
The Old Kingdom
But See Merneptah

(c) Babylonia
"Leviathan the Crooked Serpent"

A further implication of Velikovsky's revision is that EA's Kassite contemporaries in Babylonia (or Karduniash) need to be brought forward on the time scale. This mysterious people, the Kassites, about whom historians have been able to conclude so little of really positive value (see below), will be found to be most relevant for our study of Hezekiah's Babylonian contemporary, Merodach-baladan.

"At that time Merodach-baladan, the son of Baldan, king of Babylon, sent letters and a present to Hezekiah: for he had heard that he had been sick, and was recovered." [Isaiah 39:1].

Let us firstly touch on revisional and conventional attempts to deal with the problem of the Kassites before making some conclusions of our own.

Velikovsky's problem, that a drastic lowering of early history can produce a crush, or bottleneck, further down the line, is one that confronts all revisionists, e.g. Dean Hickman. As Velikovsky had lowered EA to the time of the split kingdom of Israel, so, similarly, has Dean Hickman lowered the famous Babylonian king Hammurabi (c.C18th BC, conventional) to the time of the early kingdom of Israel (C10th BC); a massive shift of 800 years with which I fully concur (see Appendix C). Hickman was indeed acutely aware of the ramifications of his major chronological shift : "The end of the 'First Dynasty of Babylon' presents its own set of problems. The major one is how to relate the end of Hammurabi's dynasty to the known history of Babylonia and Assyria in the first millennium BC". [D. Hickman, `Hammurabi'] Hickman did not basically challenge Velikovsky's proposed identification of Shalmaneser III with EA's Burnaburiash. Nor, consequently, was he able to solve the problem of Hammurabi's succession: "Many aspects of Mesopotamian history need to be studied further. There is the problem of the Kassites, for whom the evidence is ambivalent ...". Thus Hickman could not but conclude his stimulating paper by electing "to open for discussion and further exploration the history of Mesopotamia and its neighbours for the time period [under investigation] ...".

See our new EA's Mesopotamians.

Hickman's "problems" however are relatively small when compared with those convention has with its `Dark Ages'. For example, the Hittites - thought to be related to the Kassites as part of a large Indo-European group - are a major headache. Peter James, an expert in Anatolian history, has shown - along Velikovskian lines, rejecting the so-called 'Dark Ages' in Greece and Anatolia - that archaeologists have artificially split Hittite history in two, creating an Old and New Hittite kingdom. The New one, basically in Syria, which is regarded by O. Gurney as "a strange afterglow [of the Old one in Anatolia] which lasted for no less than five centuries" [GTH, 39; GURNEY, O., `The Hittites', (Harmondsworth, 1954)], turns out to be actually one and the same kingdom, representing the natural extension of Hittite power from Anatolia into Syria. All of this was achieved in a short space of time, approximately during the EA era. Here comes into play once again that 500-year hiatus, by-product of Sothic chronology. It has played havoc with our knowledge of who were the Kassites. Roux gives the standard view of from whence came these mysterious peoples, making of them an Indo-European elite [RAI, 225; ROUX, G., `Ancient Iraq' (Penguin Books, 1964).]:

Hittites, Mitannians and the ruling class of the Kassites belonged to a very large ethno-linguistic group called 'Indo-European', and their migrations were part of wider ethnic movements which affected Europe and India as well as Western Asia. ... The adjective Indo-European applies to a vast linguistic family comprising languages now spoken in countries as far apart as America and India, Scandinavia and Spain. .... it has been inferred from the distribution of linguistic provinces in early historical times that the homeland of the Indo-Europeans, before they divided into several branches, lay somewhere between the Baltic and the Black Sea, probably in the plains of southern Russia. ...

Eventually the Middle Helladic culture in Greece may have been introduced by these Indo-Europeans.*



* Velikovsky had shown that, contrary to convention, the Mycenæan period was actually close to the time of the neo-Assyrians.



Historians admit to being quite in the dark about the Kassite period of non-native Babylonians, due to lack of documentation: "This silence makes the Kassite period one of the most obscure in Mesopotamian history, and the words 'dark age' and 'decadence' come easily to mind". [RAI, 247]. Roux's very large figure of 438 years for the duration of Kassite rule in Babylonia is still about 140 short of CAH's impossible figure of 576 years mentioned in the context of Hammurabi's early succession. [CAH, 224. Emphasis added]:

In the ninth year of Samsuiluna, and again in the third (?) of his son, occurs a mention, tantalizing in its bareness, of 'the Kassite host'. These encounters were more than thirty years apart, an appropriately slow beginning to the movement which introduced an era of no less than 576 years, the Kassite Dynasty ....

Both Roux's and CAH's figures must be immediately challenged, not just for the sake of saving the revision, but on the basis of archaeology. Kassite remains in Babylonia are far, far too meagre for their rule to have encompassed circa 400-600 years. Conventional historians, such as Roux, openly admit the paucity of Kassite remains [Op. cit., 160] :

Unfortunately, we are not much better off as regards the period of Kassite domination in Iraq. .... all we have at present is about two hundred royal inscriptions - most of them short and of little historical value - sixty kudurru ... and approximately 12,000 tablets (letters and economic texts), less than 10 per cent of which has been published. This is very little indeed for four hundred years - the length of time separating us from Elizabeth I.

In such a fashion does a Sothic based scheme manage artificially to over-stretch certain eras.

Roux again [Ibid.]: "The Kassites reigned for more than four centuries, and we can only regret that the paucity of our sources makes this long and interesting period one of the least-known in the history of ancient Iraq".

In Seton Lloyd's `The Archaeology of Mesopotamia', one cannot even find the name Kassite in the back index. And so scanty is Kassite architecture in Mesopotamia that Lloyd can dedicate only a mere one and a half pages of text to it, accompanied by a few pictures. Indeed, he admits with surprise. [LAM; LLOYD, S., `The Archaeology of Mesopotamia', London (Thames & Hudson, 1984). (Pictures and text in total cover pp. 172-175).]:

"In view of the fact that the Kassites ruled Babylonia for more than four centuries, it is surprising to observe how little their national characteristics are reflected in the material remains of their occupation. These make it abundantly clear [sic] that, in religion, administration and technical practices, they adopted and faithfully maintained the age-old conventions of Mesopotamia ...."


Identification of the Kassites

The Kassite 'storm' that eventually did unleash itself upon the First Dynasty of Babylon marked the beginning of Kassite sovereignty. Thus the Kassite king Burnaburiash (conventionally dated c.1375-1347) is found to be ruling in Babylonia during the reign of pharaoh Akhnaton. In revised terms, this was merely a century or so after Hammurabi, and about a century too before the rule of the so-called 9th Dynasty of Babylonia to which belonged the Chaldean, Merodach-baladan. Akhnaton entered into a marriage agreement with the daughter of Burnaburiash, who thus rightly considered himself equal in status to the pharaoh, calling him "brother" [EA 14]. Burnaburiash also complained of pharaoh's highly favourable treatment of the Assyrian king, Assuruballit.

So, who were these Kassites?

One pearl that can be plucked from the otherwise excessively radical revision of Professor Gunnar Heinsohn of the University of Bremen (see Appendix C) is that the Kassites of mysterious origin are found to be the much-discussed-in-antiquity, but little-known, Chaldeans. It is thought to have been the Greeks who put the letter "L" in the name Chaldeans (Calda‹oi) whom the Hebrews knew as Kasdim (MyDiW4ka). I think that that is unlikely, however, and that the letter change was instead one quite natural in the Assyrian language. Consider this explanation from BBI:

"The Chaldeans or Kasdim of the Hebrew Old Testament appear in the Assyrian cuneiform as the Kaldi. The original form of Kaldi was probably Kasdi, since according to a rule very common in the Assyrian language a sibilant before a dental is frequently changed into `l'." [BBI, 93; BOUTFLOWER, C., `The Book of Isaiah'. Chapters (1-XXXIX), London (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1930)]

Note that the Semitic root Kas- (Kash-) is common to Kassites and Chaldeans. The form Kaldu for the land of the Chaldeans is thought to have been first used by Ashurnasirpal. "The fear of my sovereignty", he wrote, "prevailed as far as the country of Karduniash; the might of my weapons overwhelmed the country of Kaldu".

[As cited in BBI, 95. Ashurnasirpal's juxtaposition here of Karduniash and Kaldu might, as an example of Semitic style repetition, provide the key to the derivation of Karduniash, as a variant of Kaldu.]

This alteration, from kas- to kal-, has made it even less easy for historians to make the vital connection between the Chaldeans and the Kassites, who, in Akkadian were known as kashshû. Convention, in fact, has been quite unable to make the connection, though it does hold that the Kassites began to rule in Babylonia shortly after the invasion by the Hittite king, Mursilis, during the reign of Hammurabi's last successor, Samsu-ditana. I quote from Roux again [Op. cit., 246]:

"The Hittite campaign, if it had been followed by the permanent occupation of Babylon, might have changed the course of Oriental history. It proved, however, to be no more than a daring razzia. Soon after his victory Mursilis returned to Hattusas, where dangerous palace intrigues required his presence, and never came back. After the withdrawal of the Hittite army the fate of Babylon is not known with certainty.

It would appear that the Kassite ruler of those days ... sat on the throne left vacant by the death of Samsu-ditana, and from then on a long line of Kassite monarchs was to govern Mesopotamia, or as they called it, Kar-Duniash, for no less than four hundred and thirty-eight years (1595-1157 BC) [sic]."
[Op. cit., 246]

Between the Kassites and the Chaldean dynasty to which Merodach-baladan belonged, convention has placed a chronological chasm of almost four and a half centuries (1160-720 BC). In actual fact, there is no break at all. The one is merely a continuation of the other: Chaldean (Kassite) rule in Babylonia having commenced shortly after the demise of Hammurabi's dynasty, and having continued on right down to the time of Nebuchednezzar the Great (C7th-6th BC), of the 10th Babylonian Dynasty. The Kassites were simply the blood-related predecessors of the Chaldean king, Merodach-baladan. Convention has, as with the Mitannians, so with the Kassites, turned a known Semitic nation into a mysterious Indo-(Iranian)-European people. The Indo-European element, as far as it is reality, is probably supplied by the Hittite power which had forced open the way to Babylonia from the west during the latter part of the Hammurabic dynasty, thereby creating more living space for the Chaldeans (Kassites) and the Mitannians (Syrians).

The Chaldeans probably originated in Syrian Mesopotamia** spreading from there northwards, as the Kaldi of Armenia, and southwards, as the Kaldu/Kassites of southern Mesopotamia. Caught up in, perhaps empowered by, the vast Indo-European migrations, their origin became confused as being "somewhere between the Baltic and the Black Sea".



**BBI, 94, proposes that biblical "Arpachshad, i.e. Ar-pa-keshad, represents the Kaldi, being indeed an exact equivalent of the words "Ur of the Chaldees", since `pa' is nothing less than the Egyptian preposition "of". Now the Mesopotamian king who confronts the Assyrians in BOJ 1 [Book of Judith] is actually called "Arphaxad", marking him as a Chaldean.]


Our equation, Kassites = Chaldeans, enables us now to fill in with vibrant historical data those many empty centuries during which the Kassites are thought to have reigned, but with so little evidence. The Kassites being Chaldeans is thus the answer to Hickman's "problem of the Kassites, for whom the evidence is ambivalent ...", which actually becomes a solution for his own downward shifting of the Hammurabic dynasty, telling what brought an end to that dynasty, and explaining how the Kassites suddenly came to be ruling in Babylon. And rule there they did, in style! Just as historians have portrayed the Kassites as an Indo-European elite, so does BBD refer to the Chaldeans of Nebuchednezzar's era as "the very élite of Babylonian society, men in whose ranks the monarch himself appears to have been enrolled". [BBD, 35; BOUTFLOWER, C., `In And Around the Book of Daniel', ], London (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1923). ]

In Judith 1

The Chaldeans also figure prominently in BOJ (chapter 1) as the "the sons of Chelod", or "the people of Cheleoud" (u†în Celeoud), which the New Revised Standard version of BOJ rightly translates as "the forces of the Chaldeans"; the people who sparked the war against Assyria that eventually led to the invasion of the west.

The Kassites (This portion was put online June 2003)

The centuries long Kassite reign over Babylonia is thought to have been brought to its end by the Elamites in the mid-C12th BC. But there emerges quite a new picture about the mysterious Kassites when placed in the context of this revision - with EA's Kassite contemporary, Burnaburiash [II], being lowered 500 years from the mid-C14th (conventional) to the mid-C9th BC. See Excursus E. In this new context, the Kassite people become most relevant in connection with king Merodach-baladan II.

So, who were the Kassites?

One sparkling pearl that can be plucked from the otherwise excessively radical revision of Heinsohn is that the Kassites of mysterious origin are found to be the much-discussed-in-antiquity, but little-known, Chaldeans. It is thought to have been the Greeks who put the letter (= l) in the name Chaldeans (Kaldi ) whom the Hebrews knew as Kasdim. I think that that is unlikely, though, and that the letter change was instead one quite natural in the Assyrian language. Consider Boutflower's explanation [1]:

"The Chaldeans or Kasdim of the Hebrew Old Testament appear in the Assyrian cuneiform as the Kaldi. The original form of Kaldi was probably Kasdi, since according to a rule very common in the Assyrian language a sibilant before a dental is frequently changed into l".

Note that the Semitic root Kas- (Kash-) is common to Kassites and Chaldeans. The form Kaldu for the land of the Chaldeans is thought to have been first used by Ashurnasirpal in the mid-9th BC. "The fear of my sovereignty", he wrote, "prevailed as far as the country of Karduniash; the might of my weapons overwhelmed the country of Kaldu" [2]. This alteration, from kas- to kal-, has made it even less easy for historians to make the vital connection between the Chaldeans and the Kassites, who, in Akkadian were known as kashshû. Convention, in fact, has been quite unable to make this connection.

The notion that the Kassite era came to an end in the C12th BC, to be replaced by the Second Isin Dynasty (Babylon IV), needs to be greatly revised. There was in fact no complete end this early to the Kassite/Chaldean reign, which continued right down - with some interruptions - to the Chaldean king, Nebuchednezzar II 'the Great' (c.600 BC).

Here we are entirely interested in finding out how the lowering of the Babylonian dynasties impacts upon the era of king Hezekiah.

Folding the Kassites into the Chaldeans

For our 500-year lowering of so-called 'middle' Assyro-Babylonian kings to be convincing, we are going to have to show how these Mesopotamian kings are to be merged with neo-Assyrian and neo-Babylonian kings. Well here is a very good place to start, given that one of the last Kassite kings is called Merodach-baladan [I] (c.1173-1161 BC, conventional); Merodach-baladan [II] being of course the very name of the Chaldean king of Babylon at the time of king Hezekiah. Now identical names, as we well know, do not mean identical persons; but there is more to it than that. For instance:

" There is the suspicious difficulty in distinguishing between the building efforts of Merodach-baladan [I] and Merodach-baladan [II] [3]:

Four kudurrus ..., taken together with evidence of his building activity in Borsippa ..., show Merodach-baladan I still master in his own domain.

The bricks recording the building of the temple of Eanna in Uruk [3b] ..., assigned to Merodach-baladan I by the British Museum's `A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities' ... cannot now be readily located in the Museum for consultation; it is highly probable, however, that these bricks belong to Merodach-baladan II (see Studies Oppenheim, p.42 ...).

" Wiseman contends that Merodach-baladan I was in fact a king of the Second Isin Dynasty which is thought to have succeeded the Kassites [4]. Brinkman, whilst calling this view "erroneous", concedes that [5]: "The beginnings of [the Second Dynasty of Isin] ... are relatively obscure".

" There is the same approximate length of reign over Babylonia for Merodach-baladan [I] and [II]. Twelve years as King of Babylon for Merodach-baladan II, as we have already discussed. And, in the case of Merodach-baladan I [6]:

"The Kassite Dynasty, then, continued relatively vigorous down through the next two reigns, including that of Merodach-baladan I, the thirty-fourth and third-last king of the dynasty, who reigned some thirteen years.... Up through this time, kudurrus show the king in control of the land in Babylonia".

" Merodach-baladan I was approximately contemporaneous with the Elamite succession called Shutrukids. Whilst there is some doubt as to the actual sequence of events [7] - Shutruk-Nahhunte is said to have been the father of Kudur-Nahhunte - the names of three of these kings are identical to those of Sargon/ Sennacherib's Elamite foes."


Consider these striking parallels:

C12th BC

" Some time before Nebuchednezzar I, there reigned in Babylon a Merodach-baldan [I]."

" The Elamite kings of this era carried names such as Shutruk-Nahhunte and his son, Kudur-Nahhunte."

" Nebuchednezzar I fought a hard battle with a Hulteludish-Inshushinak."

C8th BC

" The Babylonian ruler for king Sargon's first twelve years was a Merodach-baldan [II].

Sargon/Sennacherib fought against the Elamites, Shutur-Nakhkhunte and Kutir-Nakhkhunte.

Sennacherib had trouble also with a Hallutush-Inshusinak.


Too spectacular I think to be mere coincidence! These peculiar circumstances between the C12th BC and the C8th BC could hardly be duplicated in such detail after a period of [four] hundred years. Having established this fairly solid base around king Merodach-baladan, we can now use the better documented C8th BC to help sort out the more fragmentary C12th BC so-called.

Assyro-Babylonian Connections

With Merodach-baladan now recognised as both a Kassite (Chaldean) and a contemporary of the early Second Isin Dynasty, he is to be brought squarely into range with the great 'middle' Assyrian king, Tiglath-pileser I (1115-1077 BC, conventional), who dominates this era. We saw in our previous discussion of Assyrian history that Tiglath-pileser I stands out amidst a most poorly documented age of so-called 'Middle Assyrian' history that James has called a 'Dark Age'. I suspect the reason for this is that the documents for this period are actually to be found in neo-Assyrian history. That Tiglath-pileser [I], son of Ashur-resh-ishi, grandson of Ashur-dan is none other than Tiglath-pileser [III], son of Ashur-nirari (var. Adad-nirari), grandson of Ashur-dan, contemporary of Merodach-baladan II - whom he encountered before the latter had progressed to ruler of Babylon - and of Hezekiah). Assyria had, for Tiglath-pileser I/III, the same enemies, Aramaeans, Nairi and Urartians.

Tiglath-pileser I's renowned exploits against the Phrygians too seem far more appropriate in a neo-Assyrian context. With his alter ego of Shalmaneser, as discussed earlier, Tiglath-pileser may also be the same as Shalmaneser I.

Not that the reign of Tiglath-pileser III itself can be perfectly reconstructed. Whereas we have detailed and methodical records from the reign of Sargon/Sennacherib, much of Tiglath-pileser III's reign was later vandalised by Sennacherib's son, Esarhaddon. Thus Archer writes [8]:

"The domination of military affairs in the reign of Tiglath-pileser left little time for building. Little remains of the palace that Tiglath-pileser built for himself at Nimrud, for it was unfinished at the time of his death and left empty. A later king used the palace as a quarry for relief scenes, and because of these acts of vandalism by Esarhaddon, no official record survives for many years of Tiglath-pileser's reign".

Sumerians

Any interruptions to the flow of Kassite/Chaldean rulers of Babylon, most notably by Nebuchednezzar I (c.1124-1103 BC, conventional), can now be seen as Assyrian - and possibly occasional Elamite - interventions in Babylonia. Nebuchednezzar himself, who had a famous battle with the Elamites outside Dêr, is now to be recognised as the Babylonian version of Sargon/Sennacherib, who fought with the Elamites outside Dêr. The Assyrian had succeeded Merodach-baladan as king of Babylon in his 13th year, and reigned there for about a decade. Much of this Nebuchednezzar I's history is recorded in Sumerian, about which Heinsohn makes the following intriguing connection with Chaldean [9]:

Though the ancient Greeks freely admitted that their science teachers were Chaldaeans (from Southern Mesopotamia/Babylonia), they never gave any hint that they trailed their inspirers by one-and-a-half millennia. They rather gave the impression that Chaldaean knowledge was obtainable by travelling Greek students. Today, we are taught that there were no Chaldaean teachers to speak of. This supposedly most learned nation of mankind, did not leave us bricks or potsherds, not to mention written treatises.

....

Nevertheless, researchers before 1868 - when Jules Oppert created the term Sumerian - had called proto-Chaldaean that today is called Sumerian. Up to the end of the 19th century, art historians labeled as Chaldaean artifacts which today are called Sumerian artifacts. At the turn of the century, major European museums underwent a relabeling procedure from Chaldaean to Sumerian on their exhibition pieces from Southern Mesopotamia.

Sweeney writes in support of Heinsohn [10]:

"The Chaldaeans, according to Assyrian sources from the first millennium, occupied 900 cities, 88 of which were walled. Many of these were presumably located in Lower Mesopotamia, where the Assyrians regularly located the Kaldu, yet of the 900 cities not a trace, not a single brick, or inscription, has been discovered. On the other hand, a whole civilisation (Sumerian), unknown to the ancients, but which left an abundance of records and remains, has been discovered in exactly the same area.
... Concomitant with the loss of the Chaldaean cities was the loss of the Chaldaean language. Yet against this painful loss was the great gain of the Sumerian tongue, previously unknown".

Archaeology seems basically to lean in the direction of this identification, in that the old 'Sumerian' remains of the Ur III dynasty are frequently found directly underneath the remains of the later Babylonian kings.

This, Heinsohn's explanation, appears to have solved the age-old Sumerian problem.

Nebuchednezzar I as the Babylonian Face of Sargon/Sennacherib Apart from the above approximate synchronisms with the Elamite Shutrukids, we find too that:

" Nebuchednezzar I's reign length of 22 years conforms nicely to the standard estimate of Sennacherib's total period of rule of around 24 years."

" This new scenario puts a new slant too on Sargon/Sennacherib's presumed modesty in not taking the title of 'King of Babylon' as had Tiglath-pileser III, preferring to use the older shakkanaku ('viceroy')."

Modesty, however, was not - as we have amply seen - an Assyrian characteristic; and so lacking in this virtue was Sargon in fact that historians have had to create a complete Babylonian king, namely, Nebuchednezzar I, to accommodate the Assyrian's rôle as 'King of Babylon'. " All added up, this Nebuchednezzar I, the Assyrian conqueror of Babylon, makes a compelling 'Nebuchednezzar the Assyrian' of Judith, showing the latter drama to be correct in its most controversial detail, of an Assyrian king with a Babylonian name.

Chaldea, a cunning, 'crooked serpent' diplomatically, has also been a tortuous riddle for historians to try to unravel.

Notes and references

[1] BBI, 93.
[2] As cited in BBI, 95. Ashurnasirpal's juxtaposition here of Karduniash and Kaldu might, as an example of Semitic style repetition, provide the key to the derivation of Karduniash, as a variant of Kaldu.
[3] BPH, 87 footnote (456).
[3b] See also Henri Limet, `The Cuisine of Ancient Sumer', `Biblical Archaeologist', Sept. 1987, pp. 132-147. `Eanna' is presumably also spelled `Inanna'. A list of ingredients for bread making included: x sila of flower; x sila of dates; ½ sila, 5 gin of butter; 9 gin of white cheese; 9 gin of grape juice; 5 gin of apples; 5 gin of figs; (Sigrist, 1977: 169)
[4] Wiseman
[5] Op. cit., 90.
[6] Ibid., 87. Emphasis added.
[7] Ibid., 109.
[8] AAE, 64. Emphasis added.
[9] In HRA.
[10] SGH, 20-21.



Concluding remark

Chaldea was truly a cunning, 'crooked serpent' diplomatically. And it has been an equally tortuous riddle for historians to try to unravel.


(d) Israel/Judah
"A River Flows Out from Eden"

With regard to the early history of Israel, the problem that confronts us is truly an enormous one. It is not simply a case here of alignment and chronological precision. Early Israel in fact needs to be rescued completely from oblivion in some quarters. Professor Heinsohn is not entirely exaggerating in his first sentence when he writes [1]:

"Mainstream scholars are in the process of deleting Ancient Israel from the history books. The entire period from Abraham the Patriarch in the -21st century (fundamentalist date) to the flowering of the Divided Kingdom in the -9th century (fundamentalist date) is found missing in the archaeological record. ...."

The attack on Israel's rôle in antiquity is launched in various ways; for example by:

dismissing the patriarchs and early kings as a complete myth.

Thus Birgit Liesching of Brussels writes of having been converted to her current belief that David and Solomon were not real historical characters "in the 1980's [by a] French-language serialisation of the Bible .... denying the real existence of these two kings." [2]

Well before that Eduard Meyer, inventor of the Sothic system, had expressed the view in 1906 that Moses was not a historical personality. Meyer further remarked [as quoted in Martin Buber's Preface to Moses]:

"After all, with the exception of those who accept tradition bag and baggage as historical truth, not one of those who treat [Moses] as a historical reality has hitherto been able to fill him with any kind of content whatever, to depict him as a concrete historical figure, or to produce anything which he could have created or which could be his historical work."

In arriving at this conclusion, as in many other ways, Meyer may have been a victim of his own system; for one of the unhappy consequences of Sothic displacement is that historical characters get tossed into eras where they do not belong, where no one can possibly identify them.

metamorphosing the Hebrew patriarchs into, say, Egyptians.

Sigmund Freud blindly followed Meyer in his own forays into Egyptian chronology - though not in Meyer's view that Moses did not exist. For Freud, though, Moses was "an Egyptian" (and not simply in the sense of looking like one, cf. Exodus 2:19). Commenting on Freud's Egyptianising of Moses, Trude Weiss Rosmarin wrote in RHM [3]:

"This ... statement ... is not so original as it may seem. In the last fifty years, or so, Higher Biblical Criticism, aptly termed by Solomon Schechter `Higher anti-Semitism,' has gone far afield for the `origins' of all and everything worthwhile and important in the Bible. Most of the Biblical critics base their investigations on the prejudiced notion that the ancient Hebrews were a primitive, barbarous horde, devoid of higher mental faculties and wanting in even a trace of originality and creativeness. It is due to such biased and prejudiced reasoning that so many `Theories of Hebrew origins' have been promulgated. In the [1870-80's], when archaeologists recovered the glory that had been Ancient Babylonia and Assyria, the `Pan-Babylonian Theories', which ascribe practically the entire Bible to Ancient Mesopotamian influences, flourished among Biblical scholars.

... It is obvious ... that Freud is anything but original in labeling Moses `an Egyptian' and in deriving the Jewish religion from Egypt. He is, however a very faithful disciple of the radical critics who deny the very possiblity of the existence of even a slight degree of ingenuity and originality in Ancient Israel."


Most recently Islamic writer Ahmed Osman has, along Freudian lines, written a provocative book, `Out of Egypt. The Roots of Christianity Revealed', in which he identifies, as 18th dynasty Egyptian characters, not only some of the early patriarchs of Israel, but even the New Testament's revered trio of Jesus, Mary and Joseph. [3b]

These famous biblical characters, some traditionally separated from others by as much as one and a half millennia, are all herded together by Osman into the 18th dynasty. There, King David becomes Pharaoh Thutmose III (and father of Isaac, no less); Moses becomes Akhnaton, the supposed founder of monotheism; Jesus becomes Tutankhamun; and Mary, Nefertiti. In 1999 Dr. Norman Simms, of the University of Waikato (N.Z.), air-mailed Osman's book to me, asking me for a review of it, suggesting that it was "right up [my] alley". He may have had especially in mind here that I had just written an article for TGN in answer to Meyer's supposed 'annihilation' of Moses and his writings. In this latter article I had applied the revision to the events surrounding the life of Moses, the Exodus, the desert sojourn and Conquest. The upshot was that these events had to be lifted away from convention's locating of them during the New Kingdom of Egypt, and restored to their proper place, as I see it, during the latter part (and, ultimately, collapse) of the Old Kingdom (which the revision synchronises with the Middle Kingdom of Egypt. (See Appendix B) [4].

In my subsequent review, which I called "Osman's 'Osmosis' of Moses", I further applied the revision to Osman's major premises, leading to my debunking of almost the entire book as nonsense. And I do not think that I would be alone in reacting so strongly to Osman's effort. In fact I doubt if Osman would be over-impressed by the The Wanderer's quotation of noted biblicist Hershel Shanks, who puts a recent commentator "in the same category as those cranks who claim that Jesus was not Jewish but Egyptian" [5].

late dating the Hebrew writings, making them dependent upon Babylonian myths.

The view that Genesis & Exodus were very late compilations, having been handed down by oral tradition before being committed to writing during the Babylonian Exile, was formed by biblical commentators of the C19th, before the ancient scribal methods of antiquity had become properly known. This approach culminated in what is known as Graf-Wellhausen's "Documentary Hypothesis". It was created at a time, too, when scholars were of the widely mistaken belief that writing could not have existed before the time of King David (in c.1000 BC). We now know of course how completely naïve this view is. In those Graf-Wellhausen days there had not yet been sufficient time for the new archaeological data to be properly sifted and understood. Indeed most of it was still under the ground. The C19th is, for us, past history. What is most alarming however is that this obsolete Graf-Wellhausen system 'based' upon, shall we say, archaeological ignorance, still today prevails in all the commentaries and textbooks.

The issue is far too large to go into here and will be reserved for more substantial consideration in Appendix A. Suffice it to say that the language and structure of the Pentateuch completely refute the Graf-Wellhausen system of Pan Babylonianism; because

(a) the language of the Pentateuch is found to be absolutely saturated with Egyptian - a fact of which the Pan Babylonianists seem blissfully unaware; and
(b) the Pentateuchal texts contain the most ancient of scribal structural elements, attesting them to be very early compilations. [See Toledoth]

How could linguists have so overlooked the prevailing Egyptian element in the Pentateuch? [5a]

Apparently this has happened due to the Egyptologists' lack of knowledge of - even, in some cases, contempt for - Hebrew and the Bible. Professor A. Yahuda, who lacked expertise in neither Hebrew, Egyptian or Akkadian, summed up and fully explained the unhappy situation. Scholars in the study of antiquity, he wrote, have tackled the many challenging aspects of the Book of Genesis with greater or lesser success. "The Assyro-Babylonian school", for instance, "has undoubtedly been very successful in shedding new light on many parts of the Bible and also on some chapters of Genesis. But far from solving the problems of composition and antiquity of the Pentateuch, it rather complicated them". Similarly Yahuda found that Egyptology, despite its useful contributions, has been too hamstrung by the "Documentary Hypothesis" to have been able to shed sufficient light [6]:

Egyptology, too, failed, to furnish a solution only because after the rise of the Graf-Wellhausen School some of the leading Egyptologists accepted its theories without having sufficient knowledge of Hebrew and the Bible to enable them to take any initiative in these questions. As they could not find more than any occasional connexions between Hebrew and Egyptian, they simply took it for granted that Egyptology had very little to yield for the study of the Bible, and as to the Bible itself, Professor Adolf Erman went so far as to affirm that all 'that the Old Testament had to say about Egypt could not be regarded with enough suspicion'.

Not surprisingly the entrenched attitude of Professor Erman, W. Spiegelberg and their colleagues, of which Yahuda spoke, posed an obstacle for enterprising students [7]:

Such a statement [as Erman's] and others of like purport, coming as they did from Egyptologists of established authority, brought it about that students who might have perhaps undertaken to penetrate more deeply into a study of Hebrew-Egyptian relationships, were intimidated and deterred from approaching the matter; and on the other hand, Biblical critics could always refer to such statements as highly authoritative in support of their views on the late origin of the Pentateuch and the unreliable character of those parts which deal with Egypt.

As for the small number of scholars who were courageous enough to challenge the entrenched system, these were severely penalised for so doing [7]:

The endeavours of those few scholars who dared to go beyond the limits prescribed by the 'official' view of representative Egyptologists were either ignored altogether or only condescendingly considered, the results of their research being contemptuously rejected as unscientific and even fantastic.

Academic Bullying

Shortly, in our treatment of Egypt in 3 (a), we are going to look at one of the most classic cases of academic bullying in archaeological history [8].

Assyriologists, Yahuda explained, have rightly concluded that some parts of the Book of Genesis must have originated in a period when the Israelites were connected more or less closely with Mesopotamia (including here Syrian Mesopotamia). According to the Bible there were two such periods, separated the one from the other by in excess of a millennium.

the first was in the time of the Patriarchs (approximately from Noah to Jacob), prior to c.1750 BC, and prior, of course, to Moses;

the second, and far more intense, was during the Babylonian Exile of the C6th BC, when the Jews as a captive people were resident in Babylonia.

Yahuda then drew the following, highly significant distinction between the respective influences that Babylonian exerted upon the Scriptures during these two eras [9]:

"Whereas those books of Sacred Scripture which were admittedly written during and after the Babylonian Exile reveal in language and style such an unmistakable Babylonian influence that these newly-entered foreign elements leap to the eye, by contrast in the first part of the Book of Genesis, which describes the earlier Babylonian period, the Babylonian influence in the language is so minute as to be almost non-existent."

It is an amazing fact pointed out by Professor Yahuda that where, for example, there are similar details in the Genesis accounts of Creation and the Flood and in those of the Akkadian myths, almost without exception the Akkadian uses words and expressions different from the Hebrew. Yahuda had noted that whilst some Akkadian words and expressions are in fact used in the Hebrew, they do not occur in the Genesis stories [10]. Therefore, any attempt to argue for a so-called strong literary or linguistic "dependence" of the Genesis stories upon the Akkadian myths is quite unrealistic, having no convincing proof to support it. If such a close dependence did actually exist, Yahuda argued, one would expect such Akkadian words that are frequent in all Akkadian Creation and Flood stories "to be preferentially and in a much higher degree represented in the Genesis stories" [10].

When, on the other hand, we come to consider the degree of linguistic dependence of the Genesis narratives upon Egyptian, we are all of a sudden confronted by an abundance of relevant evidence. Yahuda's book is replete with examples of this.

There is a perfect analogy to the Egyptian/Hebrew conflict regarding the Old Testament, as pointed out by Yahuda, with the Greek/Hebrew conflict of the New, as referred to by linguist Jean Carmignac in CBS.

Just as Yahuda had found cause to differ with specialist, non-interdisciplinary Egyptologists who were largely ignorant of Hebrew, so Carmignac wrote [11]:

It has sometimes been remarked that specialists in the New Testament have too great a tendency to isolate themselves in Greek grammar and to neglect the study of Semitic languages; whereas specialists in the Old Testament, more accustomed to Hebrew, recognize more easily the traces or carbon copies of Hebrew in the Gospels. ... In any case, it is true for me. My eleven years of work on the Books of Chronicles ... had prepared me for the study of the manuscripts of Qumran ... before I embarked upon the study of the Gospels ....

On the same page Carmignac even used a Yahudan phrase, "... evidence [for the Gospels being originally Semitic] ... jumped to my eyes". Yahuda, we saw above, had used "leap to the eye" in regard to those "newly-entered foreign elements" that appear in Scriptures dating to around the time of the Babylonian Exile. [Emphasis added in both cases].

No Credit to Israel

One cannot but pick up in all of the above-mentioned commentators of whom I have been critical (e.g. Erman, Meyer, Graf, Wellhausen, etc.) that same tendency that Martin Bernal has been at pains to identify in The Black Athena; namely, a Western European reluctance to give credit where it is due to the east; in this case, notably, to Israel. It never ceases to amaze those prepared to give ancient Israel consideration equal to that of the other ancient nations that, whilst even the tiniest sherd found with writing on it in Assyria or Egypt will excite the greatest of interest, one found in Israel - even bearing the name of King David - seems to bring the sceptics out in full force to brush it off as virtually meaningless.

By way of trying to balance to some little degree this widespread bias, I wrote for TGN an article entitled "Velikovsky and Academic Anti-Semitism". I particularly had in mind when writing this what I thought would be the sensitivity of Jewish scholars to the prospect of having their nation's history regarded somewhat contemptuously. However, I have been quite surprised to discover since that many even of these do not appear to be at all concerned about the casual dismissal of Israel's early history.

Professor Heinsohn, who himself seems to be quite comfortable with deleting whole æons of history, in all sorts of places, testifies to what appears to be a degree of Israeli indifference in this matter [12]:

"The worst enemy of Israel's history, indeed, is biblical chronology. Whoever puts his faith in it, cannot help but be tempted to extinguish Ancient Israel from the map. This is not only true for anti-Semites and anti-Zionists and neutral researchers, but even for the best and brightest of Israeli scholars."

The actual existence of, particularly, Abraham, Moses, David and Solomon is under serious question today.

Abraham (at least the traditional, early-dated Abraham) is the particular target of Heinsohn, who believes that Mesopotamia (from whose city of Ur he thinks Abraham must have arisen [13]) has no archaeology whatsoever prior to about 1500 BC.

Saving a Jewish Heroine

A contributing factor to my perseverance in this thesis and elsewhere with trying to reinstate Judith as an historical character - a 16th generation Simeonite of the kingdom of Judah - has been for the sake of alerting modern Israelis to the reality of one of their nation's greatest heroines. I included a selection of Judith material in my recent MFT, written largely for Jewish readers [14]. The person Judith was actually considered to have been an historical being right down through the centuries, until the Reformation; considered so even by those who did not hold `The Book of Judith - BOJ' to be canonical [15].

To reinstate this wonderful heroine in her place in history, and show her to be a contemporary of king Hezekiah, will be a pressing consideration throughout this thesis.

Notes and references

[1] HRA, HEINSOHN, G., "The Restoration of Ancient History" (Internet), 18.
[2] In her response to my MSA. MACKEY, D., "Solomon and Sheba", C&CH Review, 1997:1.
[3] RHM, ROSMARIN, T., `The Hebrew Moses. An Answer to Sigmund Freud', 5,7,8,9.
[3b] From what I have read so far of the scholastic ability of some Arab speaking university graduated individuals makes me wonder about their scholastic fairness and abilities. [Comment by CIAS]
[4] I have spelt all this out in much more detail in MRT, using in part the expertise of Professor Emmanuel Anati, basically a conventionalist who has realised that the Exodus and Conquest eras can only be plausible in an Old Kingdom, Early Bronze context.
[5] "Thiede's Witness", in The Wanderer (June 12, 1997). Emphasis added.
[5a] From Genesis 39 to Exodus 40 - These chapters reveal some Egyptian religious and social customs, administrative procedures, and funeral practices.
[6] YLP,YAHUDA, A., `The Language of the Pentateuch in its Relation to Egyptian', (Oxford University Press, 1933). On p.ix, Professor Yahuda made the following statement however in favour of the contribution by the established Egyptologists: "I particularly desire to point out that I owe a great part of my knowledge of Egyptian matters to the works of those Egyptologists who have most persistently adopted a sceptical standpoint with regard to a Hebrew-Egyptian relationship. Whilst I unreservedly acknowledge my indebtedness to them, I cannot refrain from expressing some disappointment at the quite incongruous fact, that strong opposition was forthcoming precisely from these Egyptologists, as they ought to have been the first to hail the important results derived from their works. That such an attitude should have been taken up by these scholars, can, I regret to say, only be explained by the fact that the abundant evidence brought forward in my book thoroughly and definitely disproved views which they had maintained with an almost 'Pharaonic' stubborness during the past forty years, affirming again and again that there was very little to be obtained from Egypt and Egyptian for the elucidation of the Old Testament".
Yahuda's quote from A. Erman was taken from the latter's `Ägypten und Ägyptisches Leben im Altertum' (1885), 6. Erman reaffirmed this view in the revised edition, by H. Ranke (1923), 5. Similarly, Egyptologist Dr. Alan H. Gardiner said about the Exodus that "all the story of the Exodus ought to be regarded as no less mythological than the details of creation as recorded in Genesis", and that "at all events our first task must be to attempt to interpret these details on the supposition that they are a legend". Études Champollion (1922), 205.
[7] Ibid., i. Emphasis added.
[8] I dwell at some length, in MTP[MACKEY, D., "The Pharaoh Who Looted Solomon's Temple", upon the sad fate of Harold H. Nelson, Professor Breasted's talented pupil, who was "intimidated" (according to the context of the previous quote) into persevering with a doctoral thesis whose predetermined conclusions the young researcher had come to realise could not be squared with the facts.
Nelson, unfortunately, was "deterred from" (see same quote) attempting a fresh approach to the subject, since his Rockefeller-funded master, Breasted, was expecting his student to prove the latter's own conclusions in relation to the first military campaign of pharaoh Thutmose III. The consequences for anyone who, in Nelson's situation, might have been daring enough to have practised scrupulous academic honesty, according to the evidence at hand, would almost certainly have been to have had one's doctoral thesis "contemptuously rejected as unscientific and even fantastic" (see same quote).
[9] Op. cit., xxix. Emphasis added.
[10] Ibid., 107.
[11] CBS, 4-5. CARMIGNAC, J., `The Birth of the Synoptics', trans. Fr. M. Wrenn, Chicago (Franciscan Herald Press), 1987
[12] Op. cit., 26.
[13] Some insist, however, that the specification, "Ur of the Chaldees", is meant to differentiate Abraham's Ur from the famous Ur in southern Mesopotamia.
[14] MFT. MACKEY, D., "Fallen Towers", The Glozel Newsletter, Vol.6, No. 6, Hamilton, N.Z. (Outrigger Publishers, 2001), 1-11
[15] E.g. St. Jerome; the Jewish scholars.

Summary. Putting 2 into Perspective.

Note: The chronological aspects presented here are the personal view of Damien.

What is the relevance for Hezekiah's era of this broad chronological revision? Briefly, let us consider it from the aspect of the Assyrian king, Tiglath-pileser III, who was an older contemporary of Hezekiah.

(a) Egypt

By lowering the Early Bronze Age of history by about half a millennium, and thereby getting rid of the 'Dark Ages' of Assyria, Greece, Anatolia, etc., we end up with the 18th Egyptian dynasty of Akhnaton located to the mid-C9th BC. This necessitates that the 19th dynasty of Ramses II that followed the 18th dynasty must penetrate right down into the C8th BC. (Ramses II can no longer be considered as the Pharaoh of Israel's Oppression). The famous 'Israel Stele' of Ramses' son, Merneptah, telling of Israel's being "desolate and her seed is no more", is now found to belong to the time of Tiglath-pileser III, the effects of whose campaigns fit the terms of Merneptah's Stele.

(b) Assyria

Ashurnasirpal and Shalmaneser III are found to be, not C9th BC Late Bronze Age kings, cluttering up the revised EA age, but C8th BC Iron Age kings, very close in time to Tiglath-pileser III.

(c) Babylonia

The Kassites are re-dated half a millennium later than where convention locates them, and are found to be the Chaldean ancestors of Merodach-baladan, contemporary of Tiglath-pileser III and of Hezekiah.

(d) Israel/Judah

A properly revised stratigraphy saves Israelite history from oblivion, and validates the model provided by the Hebrew chroniclers.

Now, contrasting the conventional system against the one proposed in this thesis, we get the following patterns:

Figure 1 Conventional Model
Egypt
Assyria
Babylonia
Israel/Judah
[C14th BC]
Akhnaton
Assuruballit
Kassites
In Egypt
[C9th BC]
21st dynasty
Shalmaneser III
Marduk-zakir-shumi
Jehu/Ahaziah
[C8th BC]
Pharaoh 'So'
Tiglath-pileser III
Nabonassar
Hosea/Ahaz
Figure 2 Revised Model
Egypt
Assyria
Babylonia
Israel/Judah
[C9th BC]
Akhnaton
Assuruballit
Kassites
Jehoram/Jehoram
[C8th BC]
Pharaoh 'So'
Shalmaneser III
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