Amenophis III to Kadasman-Enlil I, No. 1|
The cache or archive of EA Letters were largely found where the civil service offices were discovered, in the remains of the `Bureau for the Correspondence of the Pharaoh' at Akhetaten.[Joyce Tildesly, Nefertiti, p. 124.]
EA #1 mc(98 lines),See AP: Refers to Kadasman-Enlil as King of Kardunias; letter writer refers to himself as `Nibmuaria', the great king of Egypt'; emphasizes that everything is
`well with my house, my wives, my sons, my chief men, my horses, my chariots, my soldiers, ... , my lands'; refers back to `thy tablet' written to him; says, `... when thou hast sent a kamiru, who knows thy sister, who converses with her, and renews acquaintance with her?', `These are the people whom thou sendest: Riqa, a man ---- of Zaqara, is one; a donkey-keeper of the land and ---- is the other';
verifies that he received the communication to marry the daughter of Kadasman-Enlil; talks about sending a kamiru `who could make a true report, (and bring) a greeting from thy sister'; among the distrust of reports the king of Egypt wrote about his sister, "Perhaps she is the daughter of a beggar, or of a Gagaian, or the daughter of a Hanigalbatian, or perhaps she is from the land of Ugarit, she whom my messengers have seen' ... `(For) she did not op[en] her mouth nor say anything to them"; retorts, `But (I answer) thus: `If thy [sister] were dead, who then would conceal anything ----, [or] shall we cause another to take (her) place?'; refers to name of `Aman to ----'; mentions `a sister of the [great] wife ----, [to] the mistress of the house ---- [a] female slave of ----- against all women ---- of the kings of Egypt ---- in Egypt.'; talks about establishing `brotherhood ... receive a reward from thy neighborhood', `And when thou hast written that I have repudiated the words of (line 63: abi-ia) my father, thou doest not relate his real words.'; states, `I am angry with thy messengers because they speak in thy presence as follows: "Nothing does he give us who come to Egypt." retorts, `... there comes one of them [to me]; he takes silver, gold, oil, clothes, all fine things possible [with him to] the other country, but he does not speak the truth to him who sent him. ... `their mouths speak hatred.' ... `... do not listen to thy messengers (in) whose mouths is hatred'; mentions Rika, oil and the maiden; says, `... thou hast spoken, saying: "My chariots have been placed among the chariots for regents, so that thou hast not given a side-glance; thou hast brought them in the direction of such and such a country ...';
Comments: Kardunias/Cardunias is thought to be 3rd period Babylon by some.
One of the royal palaces of Amenhotep III/Amenophis was located by Thebes at a place called `el-Maqata (the place where things are picked up)'. [See N. Reeves, `Ancient Egypt', p. 79] For information on the `find spot' of the EA letters according to Sir Flinders Petrie. [Ibid., p. 73, 83] For more information on the identities of EA personalities (i.e. Kadashman-enlil) and their chronological interdepencies click Here!
To see a good image of the text of a scarab announcing the marriage of Amenophis III to Queen Tiye and also naming her parents, Yuya and Thuyu, as well as showing a hollow faience kohl tube bearing their cartouches see KMT, Vol. 11, Fall 2000, p. 24. For images of the St. Petersburg, Russia, Sphinxes of Amenhotep III see, KMT, Vol. 14, Winter 2003/04, p. 34-41.
For the results of the newest research on the possible identity of Yuya and Thuya click Here!
Kadasman Enlil to Amenophis III, No.1
EA#2 vd(obverse 13): uses 5 line greeting; written to Nimuwaria, King of Egypt; calls him brother; seems to deal with proposal to let his daughter marry the King; mentions royal seed;
EA#2 vd(reverse 9): mentions `fine horses ... Twenty wood ... [haragab]aas of gold. 120 shekels as a pres[ent for thee have I sent]'; mentions `lapislazu[li as a present for] my [sis]ter [be]cause she is thy wife, [have I sent]';
Comments: The Kassite (Chaldean) Kadashman-Enlil I became king of Babylon (in Ashurbanipal's conquest of the Kaldu) and (Abdi-Ashirta, according to Rib-Addi, was aspiring to be king of ...) Mitana and Kasse. For a daring, yet intriguing, chronologically clinching discussion and chart click underlines!
Kadasman Enlil to Amenophis III, No. 2
EA#3 fc(34): uses 6 line greeting; written [To Nibm]u'waria, King of Egyp[t/Miisrii]; continues in offering his daughter for marriage, says, `... as to the maiden, my own daughter ... the woman is grown up, she is marriageable'; mentions that a messenger was sent and retained for six years; mentions the sending of 30 minas of gold whose value he compares to silver; mentions `Kasi' the king's messenger; talks about a fęte (feast), seems to wonder why, after having sent 25 men and woman to the king there is no invitation for the feast; [1 talent = 60 minas, 1 mina= 60 shekels (Babyl. System); 1 shekel= ca. 16.37 grams; 1 talent= 3000 shekels (Hebr. system) (depending on whose numbers are used)]; mentions `I have sent to thee ... for ten chariots (made of) wood ... ten span of horses';
Comments: Some have proposed that Kadashman-Enlil was Neriglissar or else his son Labash-Marduk. However, Neriglissar's length of reign is thought to have been ca. 4 years. while his son's length of reign is considered to have been only for 6 months. How then could these rulers have been Kadashman-Enlil who saw his daughter grow up to a marriageabel age? If Kadashman-Enlil had a daughter at age 10-12, she could have been considered marriageable by age 8-12 herself (?), considering the conventions of the time and the shorter overall life spans. In other words she may have been born before he succeeded his father but that remains unsaid in his EA letters.
Kadasman Enlil to Amenophis III, No. 3
EA#4 mc(50): Kadasman writes, `[Beho]ld, when thou, my brother, accordingly, not permit[ting] thy daughter to marry, thou hast written to me saying:
`From of old, a daughter of the king of Egypt has not been given to anyone', (I answer): `Why [speakest thou th]us? Thou art a king; thou can[st d]o according to thy heart's desire. If thou givest, who shall sa[y] anything? When they had told me this (thy) answer, I wrote m[y brother] as follows: `There are grown up daughters and beautiful women. If there is any beautiful woman, according [to (thy heart), send her. Who shall say: `She is not a king's daughter'.' But thou hast not sent anyone at all. Didst thou not seek brotherhood and friendship, when thou didst write, concerning marriage, that we be nearer related (to one another? - Kadashman -Enlil mentions in other letters cattle, marriage, gold, locations of Tammuz (Ezekiel 8:14) and Ab where he wants to build a palace with pharaoh's gold; [On Ezekiel 8 click here and here.]
Comments: Source of image is PSBA, February 11, 1903, p. 101.
Amenophis III to Kadasman-Enlil I, No. 2
EA#5 fc(33): uses 12 line greeting; writes: "I have heard the following, `thou hast made n[ew] houses [bitati] for thyself. Behold, I have sent to thee are contributions for thy house ([biti(k)a]), and behold, I will send all that is valuable in the eyes of thy messenger, who brings thy daughter, and when the messenger returns, I will send it to [thee]. Behold I have sent thee as a present for the new house, by the hand of Šutti: one bed of ebony, overlaid with gold; three beds of ebony, overlaid with gold; (L22) one head-rest of ebony, overlaid with gold (L/); one large chair of ebony, overlaid with gold; five chairs of ebony, overlaid with gold; [? chairs of ebony], overlaid with gold; The weight of all this gold is seven minas, nine shekels; the weight of the silver is [one] mina, eight shekels and a half; ten footstools of ebony, overlaid with gold - - - - o[n]e tablet of gold -- mina and ten shekels and seven shekels of gold, ---" [End]
Comments: Line 22; According to Ranke ú-ru-[u]š-ša is the Egyptian wrš, "head-rest". With this cf. No. 14, col. 11, 20. where iršu is the equivalent of šá ri-e-ši, which means "of the head", and which is equivalent to the Egyptian word wrš or uruššu. Line 26. One mina = 60 shekels; one shekel = ˝ kilogram.
Burraburias II to Amenophis III(?)
EA#6 fc(22); uses 6 line greeting; Burraburias calls himself king of Karadunias; writes, `Just as formerly thou and [my] father were on friendly terms wit[h one another], so now let thou and I together [be on friendly terms]: let there not come between us an unfriendly wo[rd]!' in other words he refers to himself as related to king by virtue of his daughter having married king of Egypt;
Comments: Burraburiash var. Burnaburiash has also been identified as Shalmaneser III, Here and Here! For a graphical display click Here! So, does Burraburiash encounter Niqmaddu in the EA letters?
Burraburias II to Amenophis IV, No. 1
EA #7 fc(82): Uses 7 line greeting, `To Naphuria, the great king, the king of Egy[pt], say. Thus [sa]ith Burranburia[s], [the great ki]ng, the king of Kardunias, thy brother. [With m]e and my house, my horse and [my] ch[artiots], my chief men and my land it is very [well]. With my brother and his house, his horse and hi[s] ch[ariots], his chief men and his land may it be very [well]!'; states, `From the day on which my brother's messenger ca[me to me], my health was not good, so that his messnger never has eaten food not [drunk] date-wine in my presence. ... And when my health was not good and my brother has not lifted up (my head, then I poured for[th to thee] my wreath ... saying. "Should not my brother ha[ve heard] that I am sick? Why has he not lift[ed] up my head (comforted me)?"'; talks about the long road for the messengers to travel to reach each other; mentions `the water (was) cut off, and the weather (was) hot [űmmu im-(mu)].'; writes about exchanging gifts, i.e. gold; mentions messenger and caravanseri Salmu; mentions Biriamaza and Pamahu plundered caravan of Salmu;
Burraburias II to Amenophis IV, No. 2
EA #8 gc(47): to Amenophis IV; states, `Now, my merchants, ...., who journeyed with (person of) Ahutâbu, were tarrying in Kinahhi on business. After Ahutâbu went on his way to my brother, then, in the city of Hinnatuni, in Kinahhi, Šumadda, son of Balummę, (and) Šutatna, son of Šaratum, of Acco, sent their men there; my merchants ... they slew and their money they took away. ... In thy land I have been violently dealt with. Bind [them, and] the money which they have stolen ma[ke] good. And the people who murder[ed] my servants, kill them, and avenge their blood. ... After Šumadda had cut off the feet of one of my people, he kept him with him; and another man, Šutatna of Acco, when he stood him on his head, set him in his presence.;
Comments: We identified Burraburias II as an alternate name for Shalmaneser III/Hazael, son of Ahsurnasirpal/Benhadad/Yuya. Buraburias II/Hazael had 6 years (859-853 BC) in common with King Ahab. See also about Zurata, father of Šutatna. The name Ahutâbu occurs only in this letter. Samuel A.B. Mercer thought that Šumadda is the same as Šum-ad-da (EA#224,3) and Ša-ma-adda (EA#49,2); and Balummę is probably Pa-a-lu-u-ma (EA#162,76) and Pa-a-lu-ia (EA#165,9). Šaratum is perhaps Zurata (EA#85; 232; 245) and Šutatna the Zatatna of Acco (EA#233,4; 234,3: 281,21(?)) and Zitatna of EA#235,5. Acco occurs in its Egyptian form ``k', in Papyrus Anastasi I, 21, 4. The underlined sentence was read by Luckenbill as, "... after, that is, ever since Shutatna of Akko stood up another man in a tallu-vessel, he stands before him." [American Journal of Semitic Languages, AJSL, xxxv, 158f] But, according to Mercer, the meaning is not much improved. Comparing it with Breasted's, `Ancient Records', Vol. II, Sec. 757, an incident from the reign of Amenophis II offers an interesting parallel. But, Mercer suggests, ignominity rather than torture seems to be implied in each case.
Burraburias II to Amenophis IV, No. 3 The form in red is also given as "ma-i-ia-[(a)-ti]mi" which Albright translated as Mayati to be read as Meritaten, daughter of Akhnaton, and Velikovsky as `Shalmaiati' to mean `Shalmaneser III'. Line 41 according to Mercer reads: "... and in respect to thy daughter, because I hear that she has nothing, ...".
EA #9 gc(38): Burraburias mentions and wrote to his father Karigalzu; mentions payment of two minas of gold, says, "But now, if gold is plentiful, send me as much as thy fathers, but if it is scarce, send half of what thy fathers did."; mentions a `house of god' [transl. based on `i-na-an-na du-ul-li i-na bit ma-a-da']; mentions the Canaanites [transl. from the cuneiform `Ki-na-ha-a-a-u']; mentions `Now, as to the `Assyrians', my subjects', have I not written thee? So is the situation! Why have they come into thy land? If thou lovest me, they should not carry on any business. Let them accomplish nothing.'; [See Here!]
Comments: The recipient of this letter is spelled `Ni-ip-hu-ur-ri-ia' which also occurs as `Naaphururiia, Naaphurriia, Naphuririia, Naphuuriia and Huuriia. Some say, the name is the prenomen of Pharaoh Tutankhamen, Nebkheperure. If all these variations refer then to Tutankhamen they do not state. The prenomen of IkhnatonAmenophis IV was `Nepherkheperure' or its variations. Mercer mentions on this subject: "Naphururia is probably an attempt to write in cuneiform the pronunciation of Amenophis' throne-name `Nefer-heperw-Re'."
Burraburias II to Amenophis IV, No. 4 i-ia-[a-n]u ki-i eš-mu-ů".
EA #10 mc(46): to Amenophis IV; mentions time of Karaindas; talks of being friendly; talks about loss of weight in furnace when melting gold; talks about the `measure for our judgment'; mentions of a `wild ox to Egypt'; refers to experts in making figures; mentions his messenger Sindisugab; wants to have chariots made for future transactions; mentions `one amulet of signet rings';
Comments: In line 41 (Mercer, line 44 others) the cuneiform transliteration is given as "ů ŕš-šů mârti-ka mimmama
Burraburias II to Amenophis IV, No. 5
EA #11 Obverse (vd29): uses 4 line greeting; written `to Amenophis'; starts with, `[There came from] thy father a complaint, Hu'a, [my mess]enger ...', writes in damaged lines, `... [and Mihuni] the [inter]preter, thou hast sent ...'; `... these are the words, which ...', `... that woman ...', `... died of the plague ...', `... showed them the head of ...', `... and enjoyed themselves'; states, `But she who will co[me] to thee, who will bring her to thee? With Haa are five chariots. With five chariots they will bring her to thee?'; `The kings of my neighborhood [shall not say th]us: "A daughter of the great king is brought to Egypt ..."'; `... thy messenger and 3000 warriors with him ...';
EA#11 Reverse (mc34): continues, `... If the old ones are complete, then send (them) [quick]ly. If there are no old ones, then let new ones be made! Send Salmu, the merchant! ... Let the trees be made of ivory and colored! Let field plants be made of ivory and colored, so as to resemble one another and let them be brought! With Haa ... are chariots and people in trifling number. ... For if thou sendest chariots and warriors in the course of this year, then shall ... quickly remove and give answer. [Formerly] thy father sent much gold to Kurigalzu ... so that the neighboring kings heard as follows: "Gold [is here]." [Between] kings there is brotherhood, friendship, alliance, and [friendly] relations, [if] there is a wealth of (precious) stones, silver and [gold]. 10 lump-offerings(?) of beautiful lapislazuli, I have [sent thee] as a present. For the mistress of thy house [I have sent] (only) 20 seal rings of beautiful lapislazuli because she has not done anything for me, that I [reques]ted(?). She did not lift up my head, when [I was so]rrowful.';
Comment:Some date this letter to the years 15-17 of Pharaoh Akhenaten. Kurigalzu may mean Dur-Kurigalzu, the city of Kurigalzu, here. [See also some quotes: EA11 at Samaria]
A Princess to her lord
EA #12 gc(26): uses 9 line greeting, `To my lord, say. Thus saith the daughter of the king: With thee, thy chariot, thy [pe]ople, and th[y house] may it be [we]]ll! May the gods of Burraburias go with thee! Go in peace!'; mentions having sent colored material; mentions speaking `with thy heart'; mentions, `Kidin-Addi, thy servant, adds: "Into the presence of my lord may I come!"';
Presents from Babylon
EA #13 vd(33/29): list of presents only; Some of the more outstanding presents include,`Gems of chalcedony, basalt, lapislazuli'; gold, ivory, ebony, silver, bronze [transl. from `gar-su-nu siparru']; mentions, `...thing for spraying the foot';
Presents from Amenophis IV to Burraburias II
EA #14 vd(4 columns-80/88/77/62): a damaged list of presents too numerous to detail in 4 columns;
Col. I: states, `[These are the objects which Naphuru]ria, the great king, [King of Egypt, s]ent [to his brother Burna]buriash, [the great king, King of Karadunias]'; here are some more outstanding terms: gold objects `studded with stones', 15 oil flasks, mentions one recumbent ibex in the midst of diššú, atonement-vase, 24 large rings of gold, 19 pendants of gold for the fingers, 3 buckles for the foot, of gold, 10 wide hand rings, anklets, lancets;
Col. II: 9 neck-laces of gold, 5 caskets, 4 nails, 1 large statue overlaid with gold and its base overlaid with silver, one protective deity, overlaid with gold for the wife, ... for the daughter of the king, 2 and 2 chariots of šuššuku-wood overlaid with gold, 2 chairs, 29 nails, of silver, whose handles are of boxwood and ebony, bedstead, arks, 80 and 90 mirrors of bronze, garments;
Col. III: lancets, nails, whose total weight in bronze is 860 minas (and) 20 shekels; Total of clothes-kitů: 19261 (half-half-ullú; stone vessels;
Col. IV: ... of ebony, inlaid with ivory, 6 beast paws of ivory, 375 oil vessels of ivory, 19 breast ornaments of ivory, ... ibex;
Comments: The king of Egypt (sar Misrii) at the time was Akhnaton/Naphururia who had his palace in his city of Akhetaten. This letter seems to be the only one preserved which Amenophis IV/Ahab wrote from Amarna. The gated doorway to his palace bore his cartouche and that of Nefertiti and the Aten. For an image of the door way see, A.R. David, `The Egyptian Kingdoms', p. 126. [See also some quotes: EA14 at Samaria]
Asuruballit I to Amenophis IV, No. 1
EA #15 gd(22): uses 6 line greeting, `To the king of E[gypt], say. Thus saith Ašur-uball[it, king of As]syria: With thee, thy house, and thy chief men, may it be well.'; mentions `king of Egypt', king of Assyria; says `I have sent my messenger to thee'; says `what my fathers foremerly did not send'; mentions 1 chariot, 2 horses, lapislazuli;
Comments: letter is one of two EA letters which mention `Assur'. Here we consider the biblical `Hazael' to be the alter-ego of Ashuruballit, in that case he would have written while still a princely son of Ashurnasirpal, sometime during the earlier 850's BC.;
Asuruballit I to Amenophis IV, No. 2
EA #16 gc(55): uses 5 line greeting; writes, "Thus saith Asuruballit, King of Assyria"; states he sent a royal chariot and 2 white horses among other chariots and horses; states he is in process of building a new royal palace; mentions that the name of his father was Ašur-nâdin-ahi and that he received 20 talents of gold from Egypt; writes in line 14, "Gold in thy land is (as) dust"; states that his father and he himself are kings of Hanigalbat, the Assyrian's father sent to Amenophis' IV father (Amenophis III) and received 20 talents of gold; wonders why A.IV sends `only a little gold'; states his messengers were delayed by the Sűtű; mentions delaying messengers in foreign lands, and asks `why in foreign lands should they die?'; letter is one of two EA letters which mentions `Assur';
Comments: The information from this letter is discussed here in the revised, Velikovskian manner!
Tušrata king of Mittanni to Amenophis III, No. 1
EA #17 gc(54): writes "To Nibmuaria, k[ing of Egypt], my brother say, Thus says Tuseratta, king of [M]ittani, thy brother. May it be well with thee; with thy house, with Giluhepa, my sister, may it be well; with thy house, thy wives, thy sons. thy chief men, thy picked soldiers, thy horses, thy chariots, and in the midst of thy land may it be ver well! `When I ascended my father's (ša a-bi-ia u-ši-bu) throne, I was still young, and Tuhi did evil to my land, and killed his lord. And, therefore, he did not do me good, nor him who was on friendly terms with me. I, however, especially because of those evils, which were practiced in my land, made no delay, but the murderers of Artaššumara, my brother, together with all that they had, I killed.' Because thou wast friendly with my father (a-bi-ia), for this reason I sent and spoke to thee, that my brother may hear of this thing and rejoice. My father loved thee, and thou didst love my father still more. And my father, because of his love, has given my sister to thee. A[nd wh]at other one [stoo]d as thou didst with my father? .... still more, what my brother ..... that land of Hatti, the whole. `As the enemy came to my land, Tešub, my lord, gave them (him) into my hand, and I destroyed them (him). And there was no one among them, who returned to his land.' `Behold, one chariot, two horses, one boy, one girl, of the booty of the land of Hatti I have sent thee. As a present for my brother, five chariots, five span of horses, I have sent thee. And as a present for Giluhepa, my sister, one ...... breast adornments of gold, and one stone bottle, full of good oil, I have sent her. Behold, Gilia my envoy, and Tunip-iwri, I have sent. May my brother quickly despatch them, that they may hastily bring back word, so that I may hear my brother's greeting and rejoice. May my brother seek friendly terms with me, and may my brother send his messengers, so that they may bring my brother's greeting, and I may receive (them)." [End of complete letter]
Notice Tusratta mentions 5 chariots and 5 span of horses; mentions envoy Gilia and Tunip-iwri;
Comments: By mentioning `booty' from Hatti, Tushratta let Pharaoh know that he was not defeated by the king of Hatti who had invaded Mitanni. An image of the royal seal of an Assyrian king named Uri-Tešhub*) can be seen in `The Horizon Book of the Lost Worlds', N.Y., 1962, p. 305. The seal has a center design of what looks like Hittite ideograms overshadowed by the solar wings and two registers of cuneiform writing separated from one another by circular lines. A portion of the writing is damaged. [* But see Here]
Giluhepa may be the same person as Gilukhipa (Winckler) whose father was Satirna / Suttarna (Winckler). But if Shuttarna/Suttarna/Satirna was Joram, son of Ahab, which we doubt, then he had no son.
Tušratta to Amenophis III, No. 2
EA #18 vd(17): mentions A[rtašš]umara and the la[nd of H]anigalbat; mentions messenger by the name of Puhi;
Tušratta to Amenophis III, No. 3
EA #19 gc-mc(85): Composes his greeting thus: "[To] Nimmuria, the great king, king of Egypt, [my bro]ther, my son-in-law, who loves me, and whom I lo[ve], say. Thus saith Tušrata, the great king, [thy] father-in-law, who loves thee, king of Mitanni, thy brother; It is well with me.[a] May it be well with thee! With thy house, my sister and thy other wives, thy sons, thy chariots, thy horses, thy army, thy land, and all thy possessions, may it be very well, very well!"
[a] Although Taduhiba, his daughter, has not yet gone to Egypt, Tušratta speaks of himself as the father-in-law of the pharaoh. This is for effect.
"In the time of thy fathers, they were with my fathers on very friendly terms. But thou hast increased (this friendship) and thou hast been on most friendly terms. Now therefore, since thou and I are on mutually friendly terms, thou hast made it ten times closer than my father (a-bi-ia). May the gods bring about that we be on similar friendly terms. May Tešub, my lord, and Amun/Aman eternally ordain (it) as it is now."
Mentions a messenger by the name of Mane, Gilia/ Keliya; mentions Istar. Confirms that he knows pharaoh wants his daughter for a wife, to be mistress of Egypt. Replies, "I did not grieve the heart of my brother, but spoke in a friendly manner: `I will indeed comply.' And her, for whom my brother asked, I showed to Mane, and he saw her. And when he beheld her, he praised her very much. So may he, inde[ed], allow her to [co]me safely to my brother's land! May Ištar and Amun make her correspond to that which is in the heart of my brother!"
Writes, `And I asked from my brother a great deal of gold ... without measure ... for in my brother's land gold is as plentiful as dust.' (line 42, 59, 61); mentions a `bride-price' in gold; mentions Egyptian messenger Haramassi/ Haarmashshi/ Haamashshi; mentions 10 span of horses and 30 women; [For an image of this letter see N.Reeves, `Ancient Egypt', p. 72]
Tušrata to Amenophis III, No. 4
EA #20 fc(84):
"[To Nim]muaria, king of [Egypt], my brother, my son-in-law, [whom I l]ove, who lov[es me], say. [Thus saith T]usratat, king of Mit[anni], thy father-in-law, [who loves t]hee, thy brother: It is well with me. With thee may it (be well!) With thy house, [thy] wives, thy sons, thy chief men, thy chariots, thy horses, thy troops, thy land, and all thy possessions, may it be very well indeed! Mane, my brother's messenger, has again come, in regard to my brother's wife, to take (her) for mistress of Egypt; and the tablet, which he brought, I have read and have heard his message. And the message of my brother was just as good as if I had seen my (brother himself). And I rejoiced very greatly on that day; that day and night I celebrated. And all the demands of my brother, which Mane brought, I will carry out. This year I will give my brother's wife for mistress of Egypt, and she shall be brought to my brother. [Then] on that day will Hanigalbat and Egypt - - - - - - and therefore Mane - - - - the finger of my brother - - - Gilia and Mane, I will quickly send away, and will not detain them. For (it is becoming), my brother, to send, for the sake of the work; for I have not yet finished the work, I am (beholding to) my brother's wife in a ten-fold manner.) But now I will do the work. In six months I will send Gilia, my messenger, and Mane, the (messenger) and she will be brought to my brother. May Ishtar, the lady of ladies of m[y land], and Aman, the god of my brother, make her correspond to [my brother's wish]. They will bring hi[s wife] to my brother, and when my brother [sees (her),] he will be greatly pleased, and I will fi[nd that] [she] corresponds to my brother's wish, and - - - - - - . Mane, my brother's messenger, [an]d my brother's [peo]ple, who came with Mane, I have honoured them [al]l, and esteemed them highly. Verily, Mane is coming, and then will my brother be able to ask him, whether or not I have greatly honoured him. He will relate to my brother, and my brother will hear of them that I have done for them, just as Mane desired. May he not die, And may my brother send a great deal of gold, without measure, and according to the manner of my father, may my brother send (it) to me! That my brother may (manifest his friendship); that my brother, before my land; and that my brother, before my (subjects) may greatly honour me; May Tesub and A[ma]n grant! Then I will forever act in accordance with my brother's wish, and may (my brother) act in accordance with my wish! As men love the sun, so will we likewise - - [may] the gods so guide us! - - for ever in out hearts may we love on another. [And be]hold, as a present for my brother: one closed vessel - - - - - with its base of hilpia-stone, overlaid with gold, - - - - - held in his hand, - - - - - gems of beautiful hulalu-stone, overlaid with gold, which (in the hand} - - - - - come, I have sent to my brother."
Thus we see he mentions the messenger of Amenophis by the name of Mane; says, `May my brother cause to be assigned to me a ten times greater measure than to my father.'; mentions in damaged sentence `Hanigalbat and Egypt'; mentions Gilia, messenger of Tusrata, together with Mane; has to do with sending of Tušrata's daughter to be wedded to Amenophis; states, `Man, my brother's messenger has come again, in regard to my brother's wife, to take (her) for mistress of Egypt; and the tablet, which he brought, I have read and I have heard the message. And the message of my brother was just as good as if I had seen my brother myself. And I rejoiced very greatly that night I celebrated. And all the demands of my brother, which Mane brought, I will carry out. This year I will give my brother's wife for mistress of Egypt, and she shall be brought to my brother. [Then] on that day will Hanigalbat and Egypt . . . . and therefore Mane ...(lacuna, probably "shall adorn") .. the finger of my brother . . . Gila and Mane, I will quickly send away, and will not detain them. ... In six months I will send Gilia, my messenger, and Mane, the messenger of my brother. The wife of my brother I will give, and she will be brought to my brother. May Ishtar, the lady of ladies of m[y land], and Aman, the god of my father, make her correspond to [my brother's wishes.]'
Comments: For a dated discussion on the letters of Tushratta see PSBA, June 1888, p. 557-565, Pl. I-VI.
Tušrata to Amenophis III, No. 5
EA #21 vg(41): written by Tušratta, the great king of Mitanni, thy father in law, and he who loves thee.; mentions thy sons, thy people, thy chariots, thy horses, thy lands .. I will give my daughter to be his wife. May Samaš and Ištar go before her.; mentions messenger Mane and interpreter Hane; mentions Nahramašši; one garland (of) beautiful lapislazuli.; mentions 100,000 years; mentions `And may my brother be well for ever';
Presents from Tušrata to Amenophis III, when he gave to him his daughter Taduhiba to wife
EA #22 mc(4-fc66/mc72/mc61/mc49):
I-outstanding gifts included horses, golden chariot - 320 shekels of gold; richly adorned garlands for the horses; line 32 steel bladed dagger; line 38 `One mittu (a divine weapon?) of iron, overlaid with gold, fly swatter; Untranslated words: dulęmu, maršu, sihpu, bišaiš, paratitin, hulâlu, burhu, uhatâtu, puqtâtu, tabnâni, kirr[â]tu, gűstappanni, guműru, nattullâtu, araššanni, appatu, abisamušhe, mittu, zallaw[i], širinnâtu, bitinkak, urukma[n]nu, pâgumu, lahanu, amutu, kitű; (in the order in which they occur)
Untranslated words (alphabetic): abisamušhe, abűbu, altabibu, appanannu, appatu, amutu, ankurinnu, arapšanna, araššanni, aššianni, appatu, auatamulušhe; - battatu, biršantu, bišaiš, burhu, burzitu; - dulęmu; - elammaqu; - gasu, giakâtu, guműra, gursib, gűstappanni; - hazura, hiliba, hulâlu; - iduzzarra, išitu, išmequ; - kapallu, kanatku, karatnannalla, kildu, kiškanű, kitű, kizallu, kizzi; - lahanu; - marhallu, maršu, męmetu, mittu, mumerritu; - namazu, nattullâtu; - pâgumu, pattu, pulluštu, puqtâtu; - sallulam, šarra, širinnâtu, šuhuppatu, sumbiru, šuzub; - tabnâni, tâdi, telannu; - uhhattu, urukma[n]nu; - wuhizzi;- zaggu, zallaw[i]na, zu'atu, zunu.;
II-handrings; sheepskin shoes; garments; one implement of sprinkling fluids;
III-picture frames; salt; ivory items; leather shields;
IV-javelin; cattles, vessels, spears;
Tušrata to Amenophis III, No. 6
EA #23 gc(35): mentions his daughter Tatuhepa, thy wife, thy sons, thy chief men, etc.'; Lines 13-17 state that Tushratta was in a position to send the idol `Istar of Niniveh' to Egypt, `Thus saith Ishtar of Ninveh, mistress of all the lands: To Egypt, to the land which I love, I will go; I will return. Verily, I have now sent (her), and she is gone.'; mentions `... in the time of my father, (Istar) the mistress had gone to that land.'; requests for Istar to be send back; mentions year 35, month 4 of winter;
Sending something representing Ishtar to Egypt was also picked up by Breasted in connection with the Bentresh Stele in `Records', Vol. II, Sec. 429, p. 188. What was done by a Mesopotamian chief (Tushratta/Ashurnasirpal II) was much later also done by the chief of Hatti/Chaldea, Hattusilis/Nebuchadnezzar. Comments: For an interpretation of Tushratta's ID go here or here!
Tušrata of Mittani to Amenophis III
EA #24 vd(4-I vd-gc(115/vd125/mc124/fc-vd130): I-terms which occur include Masrianni, Hazapalukku, Hurwuhe (a place?), Teššupa, Aššutemi, Šauška (spouse of Tessup), Aman (Egyptian god Amun); mentions, `the daughter of my father Šuttarna'; the messenger Mane and Gilija; mentions, `Ihipe, (the city) of Šimigi (the god of Ihipe northern Syria) has sent it.'; mentions, `Šimigi and Eašarri', as if they were closely related or Egyptian officials in connection with bringing victory and soldiers; talks about `the wish of my grandfather', to `be helpful one to another', `Let each one quickly perform it', meaning probably the wedding and exchanging of gifts; talks about, `... the oblation', `permit my army ... to bring victory ... to his country', mentions `Egypt', `freedom',
II-mentions Gilija, trinkets and jewels; mentions Mane, the land of Hurruhe, saying: "showing friendship, so we, with one another ... dividing the land of Hurruhe with one another"; talks about `trinkets, jewelry, dowry', mentions Teššupa and Aman;
III-mentions `his (Tušrata's)' land of Hurruhe and Masrianni (Column II lines 71, 72; Column III lines 6,7, 113, 127); mentions his grandfather Artatama (Column III line 52), mentions (a place?) Ninua and (a god) Sauska; mentions, `I shall ask for it: for a statue ... of pure gold, such as, especially (was given) to Taduhepa, daughter of Tusratta, King of Mitanni, whom he had given, as bride, to Immuriia, king of Egypt.';
IV-mentions person of Mašadduiranna, Mane, Gilija (interpreter); states, "If Mane and Gilija communicate anything concerning me, concerning my land, then my brother may hearken to it as authentic. If I desire to find out anything for myself about my brother, about his land, I shall hearken to no (other word), but Gilija and Mane shall say it. ... Therefore, because my brother has dared to listen to these words which they have communicated, I have replied, and the heart of my brother with a single word I have not saddened.. I have given the bride of my brother, just as the heart of my brother desired.'; mentions his messengers Ar-Teššupa and Asali (secretary); the name of Wadukki occurs by itself in damaged line; mentions in damaged line `the land of Sanharrasani and Masrianni; relates, "And for my brother I have the best of good feelings and friendly intentions. And I shall show to my brother the kindest respect, in order to prove myself friendly."
Comments: Some concluded that Taduhepa, daughter of Tušrata, was Queen Tiy of Amenhotep III but EA#26 seems to preclude that conclusion. King Ahab of Samaria certainly had multiple wives, having had 70 sons (2.Kings 10:6); was Taduhepa one of them? Judging by the damaged lines 44-51 it appears that Amenophis III married a daughter of Šuttarna. [See also some quotes: EA24 at Samaria]
Presents from Tušratta to Amenophis IV
EA #25 (4-mc/fc72/mc73/mc77/mc/vd68): I-list includes gold, precious stones;
II-line 28 mentions `Ten thin hand rings of iron, overlaid with gold', `1 mirror of silver, 40 shekels in weight, whose handle is a female statue of e[bo]ny';
III-long list of presents, mentions, `10 bracelets of gold and 10 anklets of gold for 10 children', `30 pairs of pendants for 30 girls', mountain-ox;
Comments: Adding up the # of shekels in complete sentences only gave us ca. 1533 shekels in gold and 46 shekels in silver just in Column III. Using 16.37 grams per shekel the total might correspond to 25,095.21 grams=ca. 25 (+) kg= ca. 55 lbs.
IV-mentions stone-boxes for oil, garments, 270 women, 30 men;
Comments: Ancient caravans were a large undertaking to transport such wealth over long distances and keeping them save.
Tušratta to Tiy,Widow of Amenophis III
EA #26 gc(66): says in line 1, "T[o Teie], Queen of Eg[ypt, say], Th[us saith Tus]ratta, king of [Mittani: With me] it is [well]. May it be well wi[th thee. With thy house], with thy son may it be well. With Tatuhepa, [my daughter], thy daughter-in-law, may it be well." mentions, `Mimmuria, thy husband', Gilia and Mane, Naphurria, `Juni my wife';
Comments: Presumably the form `mâtâti-ka' is translated as `(ka) thy daughter-in-law (mâtâti)', the only time it appears in the EA letters and as opposed to `mârâtu', meaning simply `daughter'. Other forms for family relations are: `abu-ua'*/abi-ia ** - my father (possibly the form for `Yuya'), `ummi' - mother, `e-mu-u-ka' - father-in-law, `aššâti-ka'' - thy wives, `a-mi-il-ta' - woman, `id-di-na-ku' - thy sister, `ahu-ka' - thy brother, `ahu-ia' - my brother, `mârę-ka' - thy sons, `mârę-ia' - my sons.
*) Derived form with alternate vowl.
**) See line 11,21 and 24 in EA17, line5 in EA#44, line 9 in EA#46 using the plural form `abi-e-ia' (my fathers) and several other EA letters for this form.
It seems leaving out the sylable `ab' just shortens the word for father but leaves the endearing portion intact.
The family relations seem to go: Tushratta's daughter Taduheba married a son of Queen Tiy, daughter of Tushratta, wife of Amenophis III. While Akhnaton when shown together with Nefertiti, has only daughters represented, the assumption is that he had sons by a secondary wife, Kiya, who was accordingly the mother of Tut-ankh-amen (?). However, the EA letters also say that he had wives (EA28), meaning probably more than two.
Tušratta to Amenophis IV, No. 1
EA #27 vd/gc(114): mentions Tiy, Taduhepa and a second daughter Daduhepa, Naphurria, Mimmuria (apparently another name for Omri), Mane, a messenger Hamašši, Gilia andTulubb[i], Tesub, Aman?; states, `Behold, P[i]rizz[i and Pupri have I, together with the messengers of (my) brother, sent] to my brother [ha]stily, [and commanded them to condole with (thee)];
Comments: The distance from Washshukani/(Khabur River/Mitanni?) to Memphis and back was about 2500 kilometers/ km. About the same distance as the Persian royal road from Sardis to Susa, which Herodotus reports took 3 months to travel - and that road was well protected and stocked with supplies. That's an average of 27.6 kilometers per day. Compare this with Xenophon's 85 marching days from Sardis to Kunaxa at 24.3 kilometres per day (not counting an even greater number of resting days). That is why Tushratta was impressed at the turn around time. He probably had anticipated it would take up to 6 months. In the original letter to Amenhotep (EA 20) he said he would detain Mane for 6 months when he send Haaramashahi on his way (assuming Haarmashshi = Haamashshi).
It is unlikely that Keliya's first trip to Egypt to visit Akhenaten was short. He would have known what Tushratta prized. At that time he also had an audience with Tiye about the statues. We know also that Akhenaten was at Thebes at the end of Pirissi's trip, but we do not know where he was on Keliya's trip. Was he at Memphis, at Thebes [ca. 750 km apart], or perhaps in Samaria [ca. 550 km apart by ship], if he equates with Ahab? He could have been at Thebes on both occasions for he must have spent some time there supervising his early large scale building programs and his new methods of design and construction. If so you can add another two months to each round trip as the distance from Memphis to Thebes was about half the distance from Washshukani to Memphis. That is why for me the minimum time between the death of Amenhotep 3 and the arrival of Pirissi at Thebes was one year. (Joe)
Tušratta to Amenophis IV, No. 2
EA #28 gc/vd(49): starts with, "To Naphuria, king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, who lov[es me], and whom I love, say. Thus saith Tusratta, king of Mitanni, thy father-in-law, who loves thee, thy brother: It is well with me, May it be well with thee. With thy houses, Tiy, thy mother, the Queen of Egypt, Tatuhepa, my daughter, thy wife, thy other wives, thy children, thy chief men, thy chariots, thy horses, thy warriors, thy land, and all thy possessions, may it be very well indeed."; mentions Tušratta's messengers Pirizzi and Pupri which fled Egypt?; states, "And all the words, which I have spoken with thy father, thy mother, Tiy, knows them. No one else knows them."
Discussion: If Tušratta was Benhadad/Ashurnasirpal and Amenophis IV was Ahab, why would Benhadad address his letters to Egypt and not the closer Samaria? Answer: He may have written letters to both locations, depending where Akhnaton/Ahab/Naphuria was. As king he could easily travel between Egypt and Samaria and be away for a few weeks or even months (as perhaps during the 3˝
years drought). After all we have only 3 letters to him in Egypt in the EA collection and anything like this seems to have not survived in the much destroyed Samaria.
Notice, the letter mentions `thy wife' and `thy other wives'. `Thy wife' must meen Nefertiti/Jezebel, and the other wives are not mentioned in the Bible, and so it is no wonder that he had more children besides Ahaziah and Jehoram/Joram, our Smenkhare and Tutankhamun, for we know from 2.Kings 10:1; that he had 70 sons in Samaria. Therefore, we may not be able to rule it out that this letter may alude to his circumstances as they existed in Israel and in Egypt.
In addition, why Tušratta, alias all his other names, wrote to Akhnaton/Ahab when he was in Egypt, was, because he may have had even more gold there than in Samaria.
Tušratta to Amenophis IV, No. 3
EA #29 fc/vd(189): writes: "[To Naphuria, king of Egypt, m]y [brother], my son-in-law, whom (I [lo]ve, and who [loves me], say. Thus saith Tusratta], the great king, k[ing of Mitan]i, thy (brother-in-law, who loves thee: I am we[ll. With thee] [may it be well]. With Tiy may it be well. With Taduhepa, my (daughter, thy wife, may it be w[ell]). [With thy ot]ther [wives] may it be well." Mentions Artatama (line 16), says: "Whe[n] - - - -, the father of Nimmuria, sent to A[r]tatama, my (grandfather and for the daughter [of my grandfather, the sister] of my father, made request, he sent five, (six times, but at no time did he give her. And the seventh tim[e he se]nt t[o my grandfather, and then forced by (circumstances he gave her. ..." Mentions: Suttarna, Hamassi, Taduhepa, Gilia's tongue of gold, Mane, Pirizzi, Pupri; mentions statues of gold; mentions his messenger Mazipatli who is Gilia's father's brother, Ar-Tessupa, Asali; mentions Hanigalbat and Egypt;
A North Syrian(?) King to the Kings of Canaan/Palestine/Israel
EA #30 gc(13): mentions a `king of Kinah[hi], vassal of my brother'; mentions a messenger by the name of Akia; writes `Behold, Akia, my messenger, to the king of Egypt, my brother, in order to condole with him, hastily I have sent'; implies that the predecessor king had died which must have been Amenhotep III;
Amenophis III to Tarhundaraba
EA #31 fc(38): "Thus saith Nimutria (Amenhotep III), the great king of Egypt, to Tarhundaraba, king of Arzawa: ... (we leave out standard greeting) ... mentions king Tarhundaraba of Arzawa; name of messenger of Amenophis was Irsappa; asks him to send his daughter for wife for one brick of gold and the dowry;
Comments: For a most likely identification of this `Tahundaraba' click Here.
Amenophis III to Milkili
EA#31a gc(32): tells Milkili that he sent to him Hania, commander of the archers (translated from: `sabe pí-tá-ti'), 40 beautiful women and all sorts of gifts for 60 tiban; wants in return also beautiful women; mentions `Samas' probably an expression for the sun; mentions also `Aman', probably the god Amun;
Comments: Archers are also mentioned in the scriptures. Among them the sons of Ulam are described as mighty ... archers'. [1.Chronicles 8:40; 10:3; See also 1.Samuel 31:3; Genesis 21:20; 49:23;]
Tarhundaraba(?) to Amenophis III(?)
EA#32 gc(25): mentions that Labaia (Kalbaia?) spoke to him orally and that he (Tahundaraba) doesn't trust him; mentions that Labaia wanted to marry Tahundaraba's daughter; mentions the gods Nabu and Samas; requests tablets to him be written in the language of Nesas;
Comments: 1. Labaya (Mu-baya) is Mesha of the Mesha Stele.
2. If Labaia/Labaya/Kal-ba-ia was King Ahab of Israel and Ahab/Labaya eventually did marry the daughter, then Tahundarab was probably Ethbaal, king of Sidon, and his daughter was Jezebel. It was Albright who suggested the original reading of the name should be Kalbaia. Following the route of the Assyrians of Shalmaneser, Labaya and his allies using chariotry emerged as the victor opening up his influence further to the north. Martin Noth suggested that another variant of the name of Labaya was Ayyab (Ayab) which could be a variation of Ahba or Hiba, the Hittite Hurrian goddess. Similarly, there was an Eliahba (Eli-Hiba) among the officers of King David, 2.Samuel 23:32. Lisa Liel suggests to read the name as Muabayu: The Moabite.
King of Alasia/Alashiya to the King of Egypt, No. 1
EA#33 mc(33): mentions that he heard that he, the King of Egypt, sits now on the throne of his father; states he will send 200 talents of copper [translated from the cuneiform `ere'] as a gift;
Comments: According to information Alashiya is thought to be a name for the island of Cyprus. See also Its Petrography.
King of Alasia to the King of Egypt, No. 2
EA#34 gc-vd(53): complains that no messenger was sent to him; mentions a sacrificial feast; mentions 100 talents of copper; wants gifts of bedstead, chariot, 2 horses, 42 kitu, dresses, ebony, stones, oil, ....; mentions `Alasia my business man'; mentions 20 tradesmen; mentions `dead' or deaths of someone; complains that no (annointing?) oil and kitu was sent to him;
King of Alisia to the King of Egypt, No. 3
EA#35 gc(55): mentions sending 500 talents of copper; mentions (the god) `Nergal' killed all his men and there is no one left to produce copper; wants from king of Egypt silver send to him in exchange, an ox, an `eagle-conjurer'; mentions king of Egypt took his wood; mentions a citizen of Alasia died in Egypt and his possessions are there, wants them back since his family is in Alasia; mentions his son died; mentions treaty with king of Hatte and Sanhar;
Comments: If `Hatte' is `Hatti' and the land of the Hittites as scholars commonly believe, was there any evidence found in Amarna of connections with this foreign land? It was Jim Allen who wrote, "Akhenaten's `Mystery' Coregent and Successor", in Amarna Letters: `Essays on Ancient Egypt', c. 1390-1310 BC, vol. 1 (San Francisco: KMT Communications, Fall 1991), p. 79: "Despite the tomb's undisturbed state, however, its contents were in poor condition (fig. 7) and the excavation was not well recorded. As a result, Egyptologists have spent years trying to reconstruct the history of this tomb and the identity of its occupants. Martha Bell's recent `armchair excavation' now seems to have settled the first question once and for all." The results of her study of a jeweler's hoard excavated at Amarna, containing a silver Hittite divine figurine, published as "A Hittite Pendant from Amarna," American Journal of Archaeology 90 (1986): 145-51, are featured in Barry Kemp's Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization (London and New York: Routledge, 1989), pp. 244-46. [From: http://www-oi.uchicago.edu/OI/AR/91-92/91-92_Intro_Bell.html] Since the Hittites feature in the EA letters, this report seems to indicate that the Egyptians of Amarna had contact with the Hittites and therefore the EA letters are authentic and no forgeries like Jules Oppert believed.
King of Alasia to the King of Egypt, No. 4
EA#36 vd(24): First 4 lines not preserved; mentions ... amount of copper; mentions he will build ships in quantities; the word `grain' appears; mentions the district of Kinahi;
King of Alasia to the King of Egypt, No. 5
EA#37 mc(29): uses 7 line greeting; mentions he received `five talents' and five spans of horses; wants silver; requests that the persons of Pastumme, Kunea, Etilluna, ....r[u]mma, Usbarra, [B]el[s]a[m]m[a] not be detained but sent back;
King of Alasia to the King of Egypt, No. 6
EA#38 gc(30): uses 6 line greeting; mentions the people of the land of Lukki; deals with disloyalties?;
King of Alasia to the King of Egypt, No. 7
EA#39 gc(20): uses 9 line greeting; wants his messenger tradesmen and his ship returned to him;
Minister of Alasia to the Minister of Egypt
EA#40 mc(28): uses 5 line greeting; mentions [Sum]itti; mentions 9 talents of copper, two elephant tusks, one ship load of wood; wants the man and his ship sent back;
Comments: Indicates what one may regard as irrational trade where ivory is sent to Egypt in exchange for ivory from Egypt; unless the ivory from one of these places was carved while the other was raw and it remains unsaid that this was the case because it was self-understood at the time. Or else the art of carving varied and so they wanted to see each others work. Otherwise it seems hard to imagine why this trade took place.;
Subbiluliuma to Huri[a]
EA#41 mc(43): uses 6 line greeting; stresses his good relations with father of King, "When thy father was living, the messages which he sent, why, my brother, hast thou refused them? Now thou, my brother, hast ascended the throne of thy father, and, just as thy father and I mutually requested presents, so will also thou and I now be mutually good freinds. And after I have expressed a wish to thy father, so to my brother let it be not trifling."; mentions 2 statues of gold, two silver statues of women;
Comments: Velikovsky states that this Subbiluliuma was a prince in the days of Shalmaneser III called Suppiluliuma (Sapalulme). [`Ages in Chaos', p. 320]
Archibald Henry Sayce, a British philologist (1846-1933), did not hesitate to call the EA Letters, "next to the historical book of the OT the most valuable record which the ancient civilized world of the East has bequeathed to us." [See Time-Life Books, `The Empire Builders', p. 42.]
Damien Mackey determined that Suppiluliuma was a son of Ben-Hadad and a brother to Shalmaneser/Burnaburiash but perhaps by a different mother.
Letter of Hittite king to the pharaoh
EA#42 vd(28): mentions the Hil[u] land; variant introductory formula; deals with presents; short and with lacunae;
Comments: The EA letters largely deal with rulers of the Levant. Are the Babylonians mentioned? Consider this. The land of the Hittites/Kassite/Chaldeans had a capital at Hattusa in the central region of Anatolia, deep inside the land today known as Turkey. For a map click Here, for more on the Kassites click Here and Here!
Probably a North Syrian king to the king of Egypt
EA#43 vd(35): mentions slanderous people, kill him;
Zi[k]ar, a king's son, to the king of Egypt
EA#44 mc(28): talks about messengers and their former journey; mentions Hatti; mentions sending a consignment of 16 people to Egypt as a present; writes, `And I desire [g]old. So, my father, send gold.'
[M]istu ... to the king
EA#45 vd(48): mentions [Hatti], Ugar[it];
.... to the king
EA#46 vd(29): no helpful information;
..... to the king
EA#47 vd(30): mentions Hania;
..[h]epa to her mistress
EA#48 vd(9): describes herself as `handmaid'; mentions vessels of spices;
Šama-Adda to the pharaoh
EA#49 vd(29): mentions the palace of the land of Kasi; wants a physician of the palace send to him; mentions he is coming slowly back to health;
Comments: Ths letter is referenced by W.F. Albright, An Unrecognized Amarna Letter from Ugarit in BASOR, Oct 1944, p. 30-33. Accordingly the name Sama-Adda was the son and successor of Etakkama, prince of Kadesh on the Orontes. Should we believe Kadesh on the Orontes being so popular? Could this Kadesh have been Carchemich - Kadesh? Suggests Sama-Adda should be read `Niqma-Adda (Nqmd)'.
A woman to her mistress B[i]...
EA#50 vd(12): calles herself a handmaid;
Addunirari to the king of Egypt
EA#51 mc(11)/vd(17): Addunirari is grandson of Taku of Nuhašše; mentions Manahbi(r)ia king of Egypt as having ruled 2 generations before; complains of Hittite (Hatte) oppression;
Comments: Mercer thought Manahbiria was Thutmoses III, Knudtzon, Thutmoses IV; according to EA#169. Some thought Nuhašše was located in the area of Aleppo, not far from the Euphrates River.
Akizzi of Qatna to Amenophis III (or Amenophis IV/Akhenaten?), No. 1
EA#52 vd(46): uses word `my Addu'; mentions `the houses of Qatna (bîtât Qa[t]-na)'; mentions caravans; mentions his son Bir[u]za;
Comments: Qatna also occurs in EA#53, 55, 57. The kings or rulers of Qatna included Ishki-Adad, Amut-piel, Akizzi and Idanda. At the time Mercer wrote, Qatna was variously located: Meyer in Aegyptiaca - its near Nuhašše, N of Damascus near Baalbek; Clauss in Baedeker, Palästina - it is El-Qatna on the road from Damascus to Banias, at the foot of Mt. Hermon; Knudtzon placed it between Hamath and Homs; Virolleaud, Syria, placed it at modern el-Mishrifeh, ca. 11.5 km NE of Homs; Jirku, Die agyptischen Listen, wrote, "Qatna, ville de greniers' des Hourri-Mitanniens". Today it is located where Knudtzen put it. The ancient name was `Qar-na'.
Akizzi of Qatna to Amenophis III, No. 2
EA#53 mc(70):mentions the land of Addu; affirms his love of his lord (pharaoh); mentions Aitugama of Hatte (Qadesh/Carchemish?); mentions the land of [Ube]; mentions `the house of Namja[z]a; mentions Teu[w]atti of L[ap]n[a], Arzauia of Ruhizzi; mentions the king of Nuhasse/Nukhashshe, the king of Nii, the king of Zinzar, the king of Tunanat; requests archers; mentions a person by the name of Dasa in the land of Am[ki], Timasgi in the land of Ube; Aitugama is described as a Hittite agent; Arzauis of Ruhizzi and Teuwatti of Lapana are named as his allies;
Comments: Petrographically trained conventional researchers had difficulty deciding where Tunip might have been located. They consider locations in northern Phoenicia or the Middle Orontes. Two suggested prominent sites were, a) Tell Hama in the modern city of Hama, b) Tell Asharneh in the southern Ghab valley NW of Hamel.
Akizzi of Qatna to Amenophis III, No. 3
EA#54 vd(57): mentions the same men of EA#53; the word `[Ga]rgamis occurs; Says `Aitugama, the man of Kinza, ... remains and to ... arrived ... Arzauia, the man of Ruhizi, and Teuwatti, the man of Lapana, have united with Aitugama, the man of Kinza, and to the king of Hatte they adhere; states `I have entered Mittanni and 3 or 4 kings are enemies of the king of Hatte';
Akizzi of Qatna to Amenophis III, No. 4
EA#55 fc(66): uses 3 line greeting; mentions `My lord when the troops and chariots of the lord came, food, drink, cattle, .... , honey and oil, were brought forth to the troops and chariots of my lord'; mentions the land of Nuhasse which does not yet belong to pharaoh; mentions `Azira in the land of Amurru', `the king of Hatte burns them with fire', `the gods and the men of Qatna the king of Hatte takes', `(So) let my lord send [a ransom f]or the people of Qatna and redeem them. My lord said: "Their ransom (taxes), as much as it is, will I give."', States, `My lord, the sun-god, the god of my fathers. But my lord knows the destinies of the gods, just as they are. So now the sun-god, the god of my father, has returned to me. ... So may he give as many shekels of gold as suffices, to him, to the sun-god, the god of my father ...'; letter mentions Aziru, tells of an attack on Qatna by the Hittite king which caused the population to flee and during which the Hittites removed the divine image, the sun god(s). By the time he writes this letter the image of the god was returned;
Comments: Even though it seems from these translations that Qatna belongs to pharaoh, others read it differently; [See: EA 52:6; 53:64-65; 55:409; differently H. Klengel, RHA 36 (1978)(wrote also `Geschichte'). 110; in D. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, Princeton, 1992, p. 166-167.] We must understand that the EA letters represent prevalent pagan concepts especially punctuated by references to the `sun-god', in stark contrast to the Creator God. Why anyone would worship a `sun-god' in place of the Creator God is difficult enough to understand, after all the sun was created by God, but it led over all these ages to our time to apostate Christianity idolizing the day of the sun and lo, all the world followed its leads thus encouraging that apostate church to pride itself that it could make binding laws, replacing God's Law and enforcing its laws. To that end all the efforts of that religious systems are directed today again. But God says, "Woe unto him that strives with his Maker." (Isaiah 45:9). These sun-god kings could be despots to their subjects. It is a hard life to live under the sway of despotism. [See what valuable information Brutus has to present about that.]
.... to the king
EA#56 vd(51): uses 3 line greeting; mentions, `[Behold, the en]emy has opp[ressed] me, [and I have writt]en to my lord, the king of [Egypt], ...'; mentions troops, `his chariots I trust', the name of `Taššu', `against me an expedition', `[Ataq]qama; mentions the city of E[r]ruhizi; mentions 3 or 4 kings of Mitanni are enemies of Hatte; mentions the land of M[u]rri;
EA#57 vd(13)/vd(7): name of Akizzi occurs; mentions king of Barga, mentions deserted troops; the word `Puh[uru], [T]unip and Sumitt[a] occurs;
[Qat]ihutisupa to the king(?)
EA#58 md(10): uses 3 line greeting; calls himself `thy servant'; mentions `... king of Mitan has gone forth wi[th chariots] and with archers', and submission of some (unknowns)...;
EA#58 vd(11): starts with `[the son of] Abdi-Asi[r]ti to the ki[ng, my lord].' the name of `[Abb]iha' occurs;
The inhabitants of Tunip to the king of Egypt
EA#59 gc(46): Uses 4 line greeting; Begins with, `To the king of the land of Egypt, our lord. Thus say the inhabitants of Tunip, thy servants: May it be well with thee.'; mentions `Was it not Manahbiria (ammatiwus) who dwellt there?', `gods' and `woo[den]'...; writing about something concerning Aki-Tesub; complaints Aki-Tesub was held back and `Azira will hear from thy servant and gardener that in the land of Hatat ... he has captured (`suudsunu', line 24) them'; mentions threat of Azira and city of Nii and Sumur; mentions 20 years of no word or help from Egypt (that means they were in communication with Egypt for at least 20 years); uses phrases `the city weeps and its tears run down ...', compare with Lamentations 1:2, Isaiah 42:6; Since Akhnaton reigned less than 20 years the king must have been Amenhotep III; 
Abdi-Asirta to the king, No. 1
EA#60 fc(32): uses 5 line greeting; mentions that he guards the whole land of Amurri; his plenipotentiary was Pahanate; mentions cities of Sumur and Ullaza; [We find `Ullaza' also mentioned in the records of Thutmose III, JB, `Records', Vol. II, Sec. 470]
Greeting ... "Behold, I am a servant of the king and a dog of his house, and the whole land of Amurri I guard for the king, my lord. I have repeatedly said to Pahanate, my plenipotentiary: `Bring levies to defend the lands of the king. Behold all kings of the king seek selected troops to snatch the lands fro[m] my hand.' And ... [o]f the king, m[y] lord, ....... [I gu]ard hi[m, and] [Pa]hana[t]e, [my] p[lenipotentiary], may the king, the sun, ask him if I do not defend Sumur (and) Ullaza. If my plenipotentiary brings life from the king, the sun, then I shall reap the grain of Sumur, and I shall guard all lands for the king, my sun, my lord. Let the king surely know of me, that he has given me over into the hand of Pahanate, my plenipotentiary."
Comments: For Abdi-Asirta go here to the see likely multinamed references.
Abdi-Asirta to the king, No. 2
EA#61 obverse fc(5): uses 5 line greeting; no further written lines;
Reverse vd(9): mentions [U]lla[ss]e, either a person or a place, the land of Amurri;
Comments: Ullassa could have been at or near Tripoli.
Abdi Asirta to Pahanate
EA#62 mc(55): mentions [P]ahan[a]te; uses the word `Egypt'; mentions S[u]m[u]r; Says, `If I had not dwelt in [Irqat], if I had dwelt in a place where the house is quiet. then [verily] the troops of Šehlal would (now) have [bu]rned [with fi]re Sumur and her palace. But when I hurried up there from Irqat, and came to Sumur, the people were not there, who had dwelt in her palace, were Sabi-ilu, Bisitanu, Maia, (and) Arzaja. Behold, (only) four people were, who dwelt in her palace, and they said to me: "Deliver us out of the hand of Sehlal," and I delivered them...' ; mentions writer of Turamâia; mentions city of (Erima?);
Comments: underlined part is an idiom, `asar bitu nih' whose meaning is not clear. The name Mâia may be an abbreviation of Tahmaia. The delivery of the people in the palace of Sumur was likely more like a razzia, requiring booty to pay for the trip.
Abdi Asirta to the king, No. 3
EA#63 gc(16): very short letter referring to the mighty enemies arrayed against him;
Abdi Asirta to the king, No. 4
EA#64 gc(23): also worries about the mighty enemies - requests a powerful man to protect him; acknowledges having received a letter from the king which he assures him to obey; mentions `ten women whom I had forgotten I have brought'.
Abdi Asirta to the king, No. 5
EA#65 gc(14): mentions preparations being made to receive archers being send by the king;
---- to the king
EA#66 obverse vd(21), reverse destr(12): mentions city of Sumur; mentions `Egypt'; mentions `man of Kubla' and the Sa. Gaz.Za (people);
--- to the king
EA#67 obverse vd(21); reverse ad(12): letter writer extols Sumur; mentions `the man of Kubla'; mentions the officers (`ueu') and the judges; mentions the Sa.Gaz;
Comments: Critical to the interpretation of who is who in the EA Letters is the location name variously given as Gubla, Kpny in Egyptian, but Gwal in Phoenician and Hebrew, a city north of Beirut, Lebanon; Joshua 13:5: "...the area of the Gebalites ..."; Ezekiel 27:9: "... Veteran craftsmen of Gebal were on board as shipwrights to caulk your seams ..." ; EA#85, "What was formerly given in [to] Sumura, should now be given in [to] Gubla." ; is taken as evidence that Gubla was considered to have been heir to Sumur when the city was temporarily occupied by the Syrians according to I. Velikovsky. He also points out that there must have been more than one Gwal ("border") in the region of Syria-Palestine; since there is a reference of a Gwal to the south of Palestine; Psalm 83:5-7: "... they form an alliance against you - the tents of Edom and the Ishmaelites of Moab and the Hagrites, Gebal, Ammon and Amalek, Philista, with the people of Tyre." 1.Kings 5:18: "The craftsmen of Solomon and Hiram and the men of Gebal ..." And the question remains why the name of the city of Gwal was changed to Gubla in the EA Letters? We also ought to mention now, that, if Baasha was Ahab written in cuneiforms, which are read left to right, than Ah(s)aab reign for two years at Tirzah (1.Ki. 15:33). Velikovsky then identified Gubla with the royal residence city of King Ahab of Israel, Jezreel by name, for Ahab had many (70) sons whom he left in Samaria, 2.Kings 10:1. Following the awful death of Jezebel, the city's name was changed from Jezebel to Jezreel, 2.Kings 9:37. [`Ages in Chaos', p. 231-233; Gubla and Gebal is phonetically the same.]
Rib Addi to the king, No. 1
EA#68 gc(32): The text to the king, according to Mercer, reads as follows: "[R]ib-Had[da] [sp]oke to his lord, [the king] of the lands, the great king: May Ba'alat of Gubla give power to the king my lord. At the feet of my lord, my sun, seven times and seven times I fall down. Let the king, my lord, know that Gubla is intact, the true handmaid of the king, but (that) the hostility of the Sa.Gaz-troops is very great [ag]ainst me. So let not the king, my lord, hold back from Sumur (that) it be not quite annexed to the Sa.Gaz-troops. By the deputy of the king, who was in Sumur, Gubla is delivered. Behold, Paham[n]ata, the deputy of the king, who is in Sumur, knows the distress (manâš) which oppresses Gubla. From Iarimmuta we have received provisions. Very great is the enmity [ag]ainst us. So [may] the king not hold [back] fro[m] his [ci]ties."
Comment: Judging just by EA#68's salutation makes a strong case for Rib-Addi being King Ahab of Samaria, in wich case Gubla would be Ahab's other residential seat of Jezreel, which could have been a country estate much like that of `Ramat Hadiv'. Like Rib Addi venerated Baal, a worship which revolved around sun-worship in the days of the prophet Elijah, Ahab and Jezebel/Nefertiti. Therefore, the sun-temple-cult of the sun-king was based on the Baal worship introduced by Nefertiti/Jezebel in Akhetaten, Egypt. It is the sin of Israel just before their 70 year captivity in Babylon, the capital of sun worship in those days, some 250 yrs after the reign of Ahab. Now, since equate Ahab with Akhnaton, he would not write letters to himself, so we must review of his letters went to Amenhtep III, before Ahab became Akhnaton.
`Sa-Gaz-troops' here reads actually as `Sa-Gaz-Mesh' of which Velikovsky said that the part `Mesh' is the personal name of king Mesha of the Mesha Stele. A variant reading, `Gaz-Mesh' occurs in EA#71, 76, 79, 82, 85, 87, 88 as the last preserved word in EA#72. In EA#73 we read the form `Gaz kinana', `Gaz ů ki-ba-mi' and `Gaz ů an-nu-uš i-na-an-na' translated as `Gaz people'. In EA#81 we find `Gaz ki-ma' translated as `Gaz people'. The letter speaks eloquently of the lack of military preparedness in the city of Hebron. Shuwardata, prince of Hebron, states he needs a large force to rescue him.
The town of `Iarimuta' or `Rimuta' could be the town of `Aramatha' of Josephus [Antiqu., VIII, 398], called Ramoth-Gilead in the Bible. [2.Kings 8:28]
Rib-Addi to a high Egyptian official
EA#69 mc(39): speaks of rebellions against himself; name of Magdalim, `hostile people of Kuasbat' occurs; mentions name of Abbiha and states: `... when Abbiha came to me (there arose) an insurrection against me, and all my gates have taken c[o]p[per] (muhustum).'; says `show me mercy';
Comments: Velikovsky sees in this reference to city gates as the location where copper is being received as a parallel to biblical texts stating: "... the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat king of Judah were sitting on their thrones at the threshing floor by the entrance to the gate of Samaria, ..." and points out that the gate was also the station of the officer appointed "to have charge of the gate"[2.Kings 7:17] The officer collected silver in payment for the barley and flour abandoned by the Syrians who had fled from beneath the walls of Samaria. The officer was trodden to death. The custom of taking money at the gate is also mentioned in this letter (#69) by the king of Sumur as we read above.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 1. The last link is for consideration only.
EA#70 mc(31): Leaving out the 7 line unreadable standard greeting (which includes [Rib-Addi spoke]) we present what remains of the main text. "..... of Gub[la] ....... Ma[gdalim], thy [faithf]ul [city] from [etern]ity. Know that I have sent ......, and not ........... to his son. They have taken [Ku-a]sbat. [So s]end to me [..... people of] Egypt [and ... peopl]e of Mel[u]ha ..... kings, [to whom] thou hast [giv]en wood, that they ke[ep] guard [till] the archers g[o forth]. And let the king, my lord, know that Amurri longs day [and night] for the departure of the archers. In the day when the archers come Amurri will join themselves unreservedly to the king, my lord, ....." Apparently the king receiving the letter would be Amenophis (Manetho) III or Amenhotep (monuments) III.
Rib-Addi to Haia(?)
EA#71 gc(35): calls Haia a `wise man at the side of the king'; mentions Haia's fidelity as deputy but complains he held back sending of archers; mentions Sumura, Abdi-Asirta the servant, the dog; mentions the Gaz-man; requests 50 pairs of horses and 200 infantry; states, `So send me fifty pairs of horses and 200 infantry, so that I may remain in Sigata'; mentions Ambi;
Comments: According to Velikovsky: `King Ahab asked a prophet whence help would come. "The young men of the governors of the provinces" would put the Syrians to flight, was the answer (I Kings 20:14). What did this mean? Why should the Syrian host be afraid of the governors' guard if they were not afraid of the king's army? In the battle at the wall of Samaria "two hundred and thirty-two young men of the governors of the provinces", leading Samaria's small garrison, put the Syrians to flight. ... The bearers of the emblem of the Egyptian state (the young men of the governors of the provinces) were a kind of gendarmerie attached to the governors of the pharaoh. These small detachments numbered tens, seldom hundreds, of men. In executing their duty, they were backed by the regular troops of Egypt, and their appearance at the place of dispute between the vassals of the Egyptian crown heralded a definite decision on the part of the pharaoh to support one of the rivals with arms. The impatience with which such a detachment … was awaited is reflected in the following passage from a letter of [Rib-Addi] to Haia ..., a dignitary in Egypt:
Letter 71: "Why hast thou held back and not said to the [pharaoh] that he should send archers that they may take Sumura? What is Abdi-Ashirta, thy servant, the dog, that he should take the land of the king to himself? ... send me fifty pairs of horses and two hundred infantry ... till the archers go forth ...."
So too in the case of Ahab, when Ben-Hadad had boasted to him about the size of his own army, the government troops of Egypt came to Ahab's aid:
Velikovsky saw in these archers a parallel to 1.Kings 20:19: "So these young men of the governors of the provinces came out of the city, and the army which followed them.
And the king of Israel went out, and smote the horses and chariots, and slew the Syrians with a great slaughter."[See also 2.Kings 7:6-7]
The young men of the governors were the soldiers of the pharaoh :
Letter 129: "Who can stand against the soldiers of the king [pharaoh]?"
Rib-Addi reminded Akhnaton how the pharaoh's father - Amenhotep III - had been prepared to send troops to defend him.
According to K, Kitchen line 26, "ina pani" should read `go against', not `in his presence', See EA#174.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 3
EA#72 vd(32): mentions in damaged lines Gubla, Irq[at]a, Ardata, Ambi, archers, [Sumu]ra and Gaz-[people];
Rib-Addi to Amanappa, No. 1
EA#73 gc(45): makes reference to `Ba'laat of Gubla'; wants Egyptian king with his archers fall upon the land of Amurri; states that Abdi-Asirta wrote to the people of Ammia `kill your lord'; mentions the Gaz-people;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 4
EA#74 gc(95): Uses typical introduction `Rib-Addi spoke to his lord, the king of the lands, the great king, the king of battle: Ba'alat of Gubla give power to the king, my lord. At the feet of my lord, the sun, seven times and seven times I fall down.'; Writes:
"Let the king, the lord, know that all is well with Gubla, the faithful handmaid of the king, from the time of his fathers. But, behold, now, the king has let his faithful city go out of his hand. Let the king look upon the tablets of the house of his father, (and see) if the man, who is in Gubla, is not a faithful servant. Do not hold back in respect to thy servant. For mighty is the hostility of the Gaz-people against (me) and (i.e. as true as) the gods [of] thy land live. Our sons (and our) daughters have come (to an end,) together with ourselves, because they are given in Iarimuta for the saving of our lives. My field is a wife, who is without a husband, deficient in cultivation. All my cities, that are in the mountains (harri) and on the sea shore have united with the Gaz-people. Gub(la), with two cities, is left to me. And behold, now, Abdi-Aširta has taken Sigata to himself and said to the people of Ammia: `Kill your p[ri]nces. Then you will be as we are , [a]nd you will have rest.' And they did according to his words, and have become as the Gaz-people. And, behold, now, Abdi-Aširta has written to the warriors: `Assemble yourselves in the house of Ninib. And we will fall upon Gubla.' If [there is] not a man to deliver me out of the hand of the enemy, and we - the regents - are put out of the lands, then all the lands will unite with the Gaz-people. Then give right to all lands, so that sons and daughters might have rest for ever, and if the king should (then) march forth all lands would be hostile to him, and what could he do for us (then)? Thus have they formed a conspiracy with one another, and thus have I great fear that there is no man to rescue me out of their hand. Like birds, that lie in a net (kilubi) so am I in Gu[bl]a. Why dost thou hold thyself back in respect to thy land? Behold, thus have I written to the palace, but thou hast paid no attention to my word. Verily, Amanappa is with thee. Ask him, He knows that and has seen the distr[ess], which oppresses me. May the king hear the words of his servant, and give life to his servant. Then will I defend his [fai]thful [city] until our l[ad]y (and) our gods [go] forth [a]nd inspect his land. An[d may the king ca]re for [his] lan[d]. Yea, gi[ve rest to] thy [land]. And may it seem good to the ki[ng], my [lo]rd, to send his [ma]n, and may he now remain (here), and may I come into the presence of the king, my lord. Art thou kindly disposed towards me? What shall I do in my solitude? Behold, thus I ask day and night." [End of letter] The identities of the kings are explained in EA#70, Rib-Addi here and here and for Nikmed of Ugarit here. The identity of Ammia has been postulated to be the same as Ambi and identified with Enfe, near Tripoli, see footnote to EA#72, p. 269, the identity of Sigata is unknown so far.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 5
EA#75 mc(50): uses 6 line greeting; says, `Let the king ... know that Gubla [thy] h[an]dma[id] has been well from remote antiquity.'; mentions powerful hostility of Gaz-warriors; mentions `sons and daughters have come to an end, wooden implements given in Iarimuta for the saving of our lives; use phrase `my field is a wife without a husband'; mentions him repeatedly writing letters; mentions [Zi]don; mentions Ad[una king of] Irqata; mentions, `Mija, the man of Arasni, has overcome Ardata'; mentions `people of Ammi have killed its lord'; mentions `Let the king, my lord, know that the king of Hati has overcome all lands, which belonged to the king of Mitta or the king of Nahma-- the land of the great kings. Abdi-Asirt[a, the slave]. the dog, has gone with him.';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 6
EA#76 mc(46): mentions Balaat of Gubla; mentions hostility of Abdi-Asirta being strong; mentions 2 remaining towns; states, "May the king, my lord, know that the hostility of Abdi-Asirta is strong against me. Behold, the two cities which remain to me he seeks to capture (`iaši jubaulaqa', line 10) ----. Furthermore: What is he, A[bdi]-Asi[r]ta, the dog, that he seeks to take all cities, O king, O sin, to himself? Is he the king of Mitana o[r] the king of Kasse that he seeks to take the land of the king to himself?"; says, "[B]eho[ld], he has now mustered a[l]l Gaz-people against Sigata [an]d Ambi, and [h]e has taken these two cities, and [I] s[a]y: `There is no place where - - - - can come in to him." Mentions garrisson-town of Sumura; requests archers;
Rib-Addi to Amanappa, No. 2
EA#77 mc(37): mentions `copper or axes of copper'; mentions `[king of] Tyre'; laments `I am afraid that the peasants will slay me';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 7
EA#78 vd(41): mentions hostility of Abdi-Asirta; mentions Gubla, Beruna, Iarimuta; uses phrase `like a bird that lies in a net';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 8
EA#79 gc(47): mentions the arrival of Amanappa; mentions the `conquest of Bit-A[rha]'; mentions the intended uniting of Gubla and Beruna; requests archers and food to feed them; uses metaphore `bird in net';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 9
EA#80 vd(34): contains name of Abdi-Asirta; Says `Send one [hundred] [people to me"...]; ends with `... thy faithful servant and [thy] [ar]ch[ers];
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 10(according to Professor Ungnad `zu' is equivalent to `su' as in `Subartu'); they experience hostility against themselves; the script and clay of this tablet are similar to those of Rib-Addi; See also EA#139,140; many scholars conclude that this letter associates Subartu with Mitanni because of the mention of Irqata;
EA#81 mc(59): laments about the powerful hostility of Abdi-Asirta who took all his cities except two, Gubla and Beru[na]; Abdi-Asirta said to the people of [Beruna]: "Kill your lord"; says [they] unite `with [the] Gaz-people, like Amm[ia]; mentions that `A stranger stood with drawn dagger (--) against me; [bu]t I killed him, and the Sirdan-man did not ----- before Abdi-Asirta'; blames it on Abdi-Asirta; states he is now `shut up in [the midst] of my [city]'; states he has been wounded 9 times and feared for his life; uses phrase `like a bird, that li[es] in a net, [s]o are they in the midst of [Gub]la', and `their [field] is a wife, who is without a husband; states `[Their sons, th]eir d[au]ghters, have come to an end and the wooden implements of their houses, [which have been gi]ven to [Ia]rimatu' [for] the deliverance of their lives; states `[For]merly Sumura and (its) people were a [for]tress and [gar]rison for us';
Comments: Some conventional interpreters interprete the `Sirdan-man' to be a reference to the Shardana, part of the Sea Peoples in the days of Ramses III. We do not concur with that interpretation except to say that the peoples who would later make up the Sea Peoples had their roots in coastal Anatolia. Gubla may be: a) Geba/Gaba a Benjamite city in the extreme northern portion of Judah; or it could be b) Gebal, Byblos.
Rib-Addi to Amanappa, No. 3
EA#82 gc(52): infers that Amanappa is `father' of Rib-Addi; states regents have listened to nothing (to problems with Abdi-Asirta); Rib-Addi states that he can't `send (him) without Abdi-Asirta's knowledge'; Amanappa recommends Rib-Addi to `send a ship (`elippa') to Iarimatu for money and clothes from them'; mentions `the people, whom thou hast given to me have all fled'; states `I have sent a man to the palace ... bronze dagger was ready for me'; states `if in two months no archers here ... I will go away'; mentions `land of Ammuri';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 11
EA#83 gc(57): "[R]ib-[Addi s]aid t[o] [h]is [lord], the king of lands, the great king; May [B]a`alat of Gubla give power to the king, my lord. At the feet of my lord, my sun, seven times and seven times I fall down. Why hast thou not sent an answer to me, so that I might know the deed which they did? I sent my man to my lord, and his two horses (sisű-šú) were taken, [a]nd another man has taken his man, [an]d the tablet (`tuppi') of the king was not given [in]to the hand of my man. Listen to me. Why hast thou held back, so that thy lan[d] is [ta]ken? Let it not be said: `In the days of the princes the Ga-people have taken all lands.' Let not such things (as this) be said in (future) days: `And thou wast not able to rescue it.' Further, I have written for a garrison (ma-sa-ar-ti) and for horses, and they were not given. Send an answer to me. Otherwise I will make a treaty with Abdi-Aširta, as Iapa-Addi and Zimri[d]a (have done). Then should I be rescued. Further, if S[u]mura and Bît-Ar[h]a also now are lost, then thou must rescue me out of the hand of Ianhamu. Then give grain for my provision. I would protect the city of the king for him. And let the king command and send my man. His people are embittered against me, day (and) night, (saying): `Thou hast given our son to the king, and has sent him off.' Two persons of Inamta are even in the house of Ia(n)hamu: `Rib-Addi is even in thy hands, and all that will be done to him rests upon thee.' Let not troops of destruction fall upon me. And I have written to him: `If thou doest no speak thus, then I will leave the city, and I shall go away.' Further, if thou sendest no answer to me, then will I leave the city, and I shall go away with the people who love me. And know (that), really, Ummahnu is a handmaid of Ba`alat [of] Gu[b]la, and Iškuru is her husband, a[nd] power .................. [t]o B[a`alat]."
Comments: `Then shall I be rescued' may indicate that Rib Addi contemplated, like Ahab did, to make a treaty. [1.Kings 20:1, 31, 32-34] See EA#117.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 12
EA#84 mc(44): uses phrase `the [f]ootstool of thy feet', compare Psalm 110:1; mentions problems caused by Abdi-Asirta; mentions Sumur, Gubla and Hikuptah; mentions `my god Damu'; mentions persons of Abdi-Ninib, Buhija, U[m]ma[hnu] and husband Iskur;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 13
EA#85 mc(87): states `three times, these years, he has opposed me', `two years I measure my grain' and `there is no grain for our support'; states `... peasants (translated from: `hupšu' or `huubsi'), their sons and daughters have come to an end', `they are given to (Ia)rimatu for the deliverance of our [liv]es; requests `send grain in ships and preserve the life ...', `And may he give 400 people, 30 pairs of horses, as were given to Zu[r]a[t]a; discounts statement of Ianhamu `I gave him .... [g]ra[in] (for) forty people'; mentions Iapa-Ad[di], B[uhe]ja, Ummahnu, Iskuru, the land of Iarimuta, Sumura, Zidon, Gubla, Abdi-Asirta and Gaz-people; states, `send Ianhamu that he take money and clothing for the people of [G]ubla ...'; says `send a garrison to protect thy land ...'; mentions `The king of (Mi)ta[n]a has marched as far as Sumura, and desired to go as far as Gubla, but there was no water for him to drink, and so he has returned to [h]is land.'; `What was formerly given in [to] Sumura, should now be given in [to] Gubla'; Sutatna, son of Zurata
Comments: I. Velikovsky had pointed out that the word translated as `ship(s)' in the EA Letters, elippe, definitely means ship in some of the letters but that in other letters one finds `elippe/ships traveling on dry land, and performing other acts for which a vehicle of transportation on water is not suited. For example, the elippe are said to have penetrated into Amuru land and conspired with the killers of Abdi-Asirta (101). `Elippe' is used in EA#101 as "Put one man, in each city, and let him not allow ships of Amurri to be prepared." A sentence which seems to be a strange translation unless a wealthy citizen of this Amuru land supports a fleet of ships. The rest of #101, however, seems to have real ships in mind and therefore Velikovsky's reasoning here seems to be based on a weak chance.
In the Hebrew language the word ilpha, ( ) has a common meaning to the Syrian "ship". An old Hebrew word "aluph", spelled the same as `ilpha', means "a prince, lord of a clan, head of a family." Velikovsky then concluded that elippe sometimes means the chieftain or the head of a small tribe. Velikovsky then wrote: `One or another city mentioned in the EA Letters and presumed to be a harbor need not necessarily be a maritime city or a lake city just because elippe arrived there and did something.'
Velikovsky understood the last quoted sentence of the letter as an indication that `Gubla was considered heir to Sumur when this city was temporarily occupied by the Syrians.' Furthermore, he concluded on the basis of the possibility of `elippe' sometimes meaning `chieftain' rather than `ships' would make Sumur not a town by the sea but inland like Samaria was.
Rib-Addi to Amanappa, No. 4
EA#86 mc(50): mentions `Aman [the god of the king]'; mentions the `Amuri land', `Mitana', `Gubla', `Sumura'; states, `Day (and) n[ight] [ex]asperation [is] against thee, a[nd] [they ha]ve said (that) [al]l that is taken fr[om] them to Mitana is v[ery] much.'; mentions `Ianha[mu], [Iarimuta], [Um]mah[nu], [Isku]ra; states `I measure grain three years already. There is nothing to give for de[liverance]'; asks question about 30 pairs and 10 pairs of horses; states `And from the land of I[arimuta] should grain be given for our nourishment. [O]r sen[d ships that] [I] may com[e forth].';
Comments: The last noun here, `ships', is in brackets and therefore an interpolation by the translator. `Elippe' could also mean `chieftain' or `chief', that is military officers. If that is the intended meaning wherever `elippe' occurs would have to be reevaluated as to the implication for the letters in which it occurs as to location and thereby chronology. Rib-Addi then could conceivably request help from some chieftains.
Rib-Addi to Amanappa, No. 5
EA#87 fc(31): mentions idols `Aman and Ba'alat of Gubla'; mentions `soldiers and chariots to protect the city'; mentions Beruna, Abdi-Asirta, Sa.Gaz-people, Gubla;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 14
EA#88 fc(51): mentions `hostility is against Ardat, against Irqat, Sumura, Ami[a and Sigat]a, faithful cities ...'; refers to Abdi-Asirta `the slave', `the dog'; states he (Abdi-Asirta) has now taken Beruna; says `he slinks around every gate of Gubla'; requests chariots and archers quickly; states if the king doesn't listen then all the lands will unite with the Sa.Gaz-people even as far as Egypt; says `Gubla is not like the other cities, it is a faithful city'; complaints `a messenger of the king of Acco is more heeded then my messenger because a horse was given to him';
Comments: This letter seems to imply that the `Apiru' were not merely a disorganized lot of fringe groups of poor or low income people for we read: "Moreover, look, he strives to seize Gubla ! And...may the king, my lord, give heed to the words of his servant, and may he hasten with all speed chariots and troops that they may guard the city of the king, my lord...But if the king, my lord, does not give heed to the words of his servant, [b]then Gubla will be joined to him, and all the lands of the king, as far as Egypt, will be [i]joined to the `Apiru…" [See also William L. Moran, `The Amarna Letters', Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987]
Amia or Ammi is understood to be derived from the Hittite word `amma' = the country. See A.H. Sayce, The Hittite Inscriptions in PSBA, No. CCV, Nov. 1905, p. 202. The word `Ammi' occurs on a very old monument from Carchemish and was noted to be similar in time to the `Ardistama Inscription' discovered by Professor Ramsey. [Ibid.]
This letter reflects the same accounts given in Scripture for a number of Palestinian cities `allying/joining' with the Philistines against their overlord, the king of Jerusalem as described Here.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 15
EA#89 pc(67): refers to `see the deed of Tyre'; states `they have really killed their regent together with my sister and her children'; says as much that he feels being ignored (the king does not inquire); stresses the fear they have; states `the house of Tyre is not the house of a regent. It is even as the house of Ugarit'; mentions Abdi-Asirta, ...[u]sda, Sa.Gaz-people;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 16
EA#90 mc(64): states `hostility is great against me. They have taken all my cities', `Gubla is alone left to me'; states his major complaint by saying, `All the mayors (chieftains) are one with Abdi-A[sirta].' states he was in Sigata and Beruna and wrote to him (the king) from there; laments that `the king won't listen'; repeats phrases of famine which include: 1. `My field is a wife, who is without a husband, deficient in cultivation', 2. `Our sons and our daughters have come to an end and the wooden implements in our houses, because they are given to Iarimuta for the deliverance of our lives'; asks again for 400 people and 30 pairs of horses, a garrison and archers;
Comments: Velikovsky took this letter to support his view that in the days of Ahab Ban-Hadad renewed hostilities and arranged a coalition of 32 kings depending on him, 1. Kings 20:1.
Rib Addi to the king, No. 17
EA#91 mc(49): Rib Addi mentions the Gaz-man taken his; i.e. Sumura, B[it] Arq[a]; mentions Gaz-man tried to take Gubla and that he himself felled his groves (i.e. fruit tree groves to prevent enemy from hiding there?); in consequence his people became hostile; uses a phrase of famine when he says, `I measure my grain' (`I am short of grain'); says enemy will depart if he gets 1000 (minas of) silver and 100 (minas) of gold; says all his cities were taken except Gubla; mentions he has heard he (the enemy) united all the Gaz-people to fall upon him; asks `what shall I do in my helplessness'; says he asked for archers and provisions; mentions Amu[rr]i; is waiting for the archers;
Rib Addi to the king, No. 18
EA#92 mc(57): mentions Baalat of Gubla, Abdi-Asirta; mentions serious hostility rising against him; mentions sending of tablet and messenger to the king; says Abdi Asirta has taken his cities; says, "Now serious hostility arises again[st me], and I have my tablet and [m]y m[essenger] sent to the king, my lord; but th[e king] heeds not the words of my letter and [my] m[essenger]. What shall I d[o] then? And I have sent my messenger to the king, [my] lo[r]d, [on account of] my [c]ities, which Abdi-Ašrati has taken; and Abdi-Ašratu has heard that my man is come from the king, my lord, and he has heard that there was nothing. And because there were no deliverers, wh[o] had [co]me to me, so, verily, he has now come forth against me." ... mentions the `king of Berut, Zidon and Tyr[e]'; asks `Wh[a]t is he, who has driven off all people? He has oxen.'; says `we are three brothers, and I have written to them to help me.'; wants archers and troops [sen]d to help him;
Rib Addi to Amanappa, No. 6
EA#93 fc(28): uses shorter opening address; Rib Addi says `I was [exa]sperated becau[se] of thy word'; says `I come to Thee, thou didst write to me'; says `Hear me, Say to the king to give to thee 300 people, then we will survey the city ... '; mentions the departure of the archers; mentions to reconquer Beruna for people to leave Abdi Asirta; wants archers this year;
A man of Gubla to the king
EA#94 mc lines(1-16, 59-76) destr(17-58, 77-78): mentions Rib Addi; says `one thing the king sees and another he hears'; wants archers to take Abdi-Asrata; complains enemies have spoken words of hostility; requests sending of deputy; mentions giving of asses;
Rib Addi to a chief
EA#95 vd(53): mentions Aman and Baalat of Gubla; mentions houses, Am[u]r[r]i, A[b]di-[Asirta], king of M[i]t[ana], Am[ur]i; says `Let [the kin]g (sar) of E[g]ypt (Miisri) sen[d] h[i]s deputy to me'; mentions 200 people, land of M[i]l[u]ha, Abdi-Asirta is [ver]y sick and may die; mentions Sigat[a], A[m]m[i]a and Ber[una];
Comments: That Abdi-Asirta/Ben Haddad I became sick and died is paralleled in the biblical account, 2.Kings 8:7-9, 11-15. The records of Shalmaneser III of Assyria state, "Hazael, son of nobody, seized the throne ..." This suggests that Aziru/Hazael was the son of a concubine of Ben Haddad I. [D. Luckenbill, `Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia', Vol. I, Sec. 681]
A Chief to Rib Addi
EA#96 gc(33): a chief to Rib-Addi who is his father; mentions city of Sumura; inquires about the plague;
A translation from BASOR, Dec 1962: "[T]o Rib-Haddi, my "[so]n," speak: Thus the commander of the army, thy "father." May the gods be concerned for thy welfare (and) the welf[a]re of the dynasty! B[ec]ause thou sayest, "I will not permit the entrance of the men of Simyra [int]o my city; there is a pestilence in Simyra" --- is it a "pestilence" att[acking] people or att[ackin]g donkeys? What sort of "pe[stil]ence" is attacking donkeys [t]ha[t] [d]onkeys should not go on caravans? So I am requisi[tioning] [the d]onkeys of the king, and truly no possessions of the king may be lost before their owner requisitions them. Surely the king is the owner of the donkeys; (therefore) proceed to requisition the donkeys of the king! Why indeed dost thou act in such a manner toward the servants of the king? Send me troops [t]o guard the city! [Moreover], lo, I have written [t]o the king concerning you, [that h]e may rep[l]y to me on [a tab]let with respect to everyth[ing]."
Iapah-Addi to SumuHadi
EA#97 vd(21): mentions slandering of king's name; mentions Abdi Asirta;
Iapah-Addi to Ianhamu
EA #98 fc(98): states, `Why hast thou held back from Sumura, since all lands have fallen away to Aziru, from Gubla as far as Ugarit? For Šigati has fallen away and Ambi; and behold he has pl[a]ced ships ..(line 14 missing).. [i]n Ambi and in Šigati, in order that grain be brought into Sumura. And we are not able to come into Sumura.'; asks, `And what shall we do? Write to the palace about this [m]atter.';
The king of Egypt to the prince of Ammia(?)
EA #99 gc(26): mentions the man/prince of the land of Ammia; states, `Has it been said to thee that the ci[ty] shoul[d] be protecte[d]?'; wants king of Ammia to send his daughter with presents of 20 fine slaves, silver, chariots and fine horses; continous, `Then the king ... will say to thee, `That is well, because thou hast given to him, the king, a present, with thy daughter.';
Irqata, City of
EA#100 gc(43): States, `This tablet is a tablet from the city of Irqata.' States, `Thus says Irqata and the people of its inheritance.' states, `... know that we protect Irqata for h[i]m'; followed by the greeting; Continues, `When [the k]ing [had] sen[t] T[ur]bihâ, ..... he spoke to us thus: "The king hates Irqata." Son[s] of the enemy of the king emulate us. Irqata emulates faithfulness to the king.'; uses words like, `heart of Irqata', `arrived a tablet', `de[puties]', `hostile', `listen', `faithful servant', `give a present', `breath of the king', `we have closed the gate', `powerful...hostility';
Comments: Uses a different introduction as found in other letters, See also EA#40, 109; Citizens of Irqata represent themselves as being `faithful' to the king, `to eat dust', compare Isaiah 49:23; mentions the land of Zubari in connection with 30 horses and chariots
A man in Gubla to a high Egyptian official or the king
EA#101 gc(38): uses no introduction; asks "Who is an enemy of the king? Is it not Haia?"; Writes, "... have not ships from the Mi-lim-people penetrated into Amurru and killed Abdi Asirta, because he had not sent them, either fine kitû (or) mar-stone, so the payment could be made to Mitana. Further: Whose are the ships that stand against me? (Do they) not (belong) to the people of Arwada? And they are even now with thee? Take the ships (`elippe') of the people of Arwada which are in Egypt."; next Haia is quoted in a damaged sentence in which the name Amuu[r]i occurs; mentions `they' have brought forth people of Zidon and Beruta; Asks, "To whom belong these cities? Do they not belong to the king? Put one man, in each city, and let him not allow ships (`elippu') of Amurri to be prepared. They have indeed killed Abdi-Asirta, whom the king had placed over them, not they themselves. Let the king tell to the three cities and the ships of the Mi-lim-people not to go to Amurri. One servant has been taken -----, and he prepares for thee."; first mention of the death of Abdi-Asirta; [Arwada is probably the harbor city of Arvad known from the records of Thutmose III]
Comments: The information that the man of Gubla, understood to be Rib-Addi, is able to report the death of Abdi-Asirta is used to provide the following chronological connections. If Rib-Addi was King Ahab of Israel, did Ahab survive Abdi-Asirta/Ben Hadad of Damascus? 1.Kings chapter 22 details the death of Ahab and so we read in vers 40: "Ahab rested with his fathers. And Ahaziah his son succeeded him as king." Those who maintain that 2.Kings chapter 6 then presents events from the reign of the successor of Ahab but the name of the king is not stated as Velikovsky pointed out, instead we read a generic "the king of Israel" (2.Ki. 6:9, 21, 26). Velikovsky said about this: "The effort of the scribe to unify the diverse elements was unsuccessful, as are inconsistencies in the text. This editor of the Books of Kings was helpless in the face of two different versions and while giving preference to the tradition that Jehoram was king in Israel during the last seven years of Jehoshaphat, he did not suppress the other version, but in describing the history of the period, he evaded the issue by writing in a number of chapters the impersonal and indefinite "king of Israel". [`Ages in Chaos', p. 258] But the scriptures do report details on how Ben Hadad died, 2.Kings 8:7-15, and the EA letters talk about the illness of Abdi-Asirta in EA#95. But he did not die from his disease, he was killed/murdered by Hazael/Aziru, his own son, EA#107. Velikovsky quoted along this topic from Nicholas of Damascus, an author of the 1st century AD, quoted by Josephus: "After the death of Adad (Hadad), his descendants reigned for ten generations, each of whom inherited from his father the name and the crown." [Josephus, `Antiquities', Bk. VII, Sec. 102.; Ages in Chaos', p. 294.]
The other interesting wording in EA#101 is the phrase "... the ships from the Milim-people penetrated into Amurru ...". This is one instance where Velikovsky thought it strange to find the word `ship' here apparently traveling on dry land. Did Abdi-Asirta live in a coastal town? Or should we say, did Tusratta/Ashurnasirpal/Ben-Hadad/Kurigalzu live in a coastal town? Or did the `ships travel on the Tigris River? Or should the word for `ship' here mean something like `captains' of a military unit, as Velikovsky thought?
The fact that the man of Gubla was able to report the death of Abdi-Asirta means to the defenders of the Rib Addi/king of Gubla equation that Rib Addi could not have been Ahab who had died before that. However, V suggested that Ahab recuperated from his wound and lived secreted away another ca. 10 years to write his EA letters from a coastal location.
Rib-Addi to [Ianha]m[u]
EA#102 gc(38): Uses the phrase, "May Ba'alat of Gubla, the goddess of the king, my lord, give thee power in the presence of the king, thy lord, the sun of the lands."; Writes `... thou art instructed ... but has deferred to go forth ... Why hast thou written? ... now thou wilt enter into an empty house ... They have carried off all provisions.'; States that Ianhamu wrote to Rib-Addi, `Go and occupy Sumur until I come'; mentions Ambi's hostility against him; mentions that the chief and the lords of the city are in alliance with the sons of Abdi-Asirta; Doesn't want to be sent where his enemies are; wants help, especially archers;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 19
EA#103 gc(57): uses 7 line greeting; opens up with `Great affliction is upon me', `hostility', `The sons of Abdi-Asirta have entered Amurra. To them the whole land belongs. Sumura and Irqata (alone) are left to the chief. And, verily, I occupy Sumura. As it was going hard with the chief on account of hostility, I left Gubla. But Zimrida a[nd] Iapa-Addi were not with me. Behold, under the[se circumstan]ces the chief wrote to them; but they did not listen to him.', send archers for protection, chase the enemy out; says `all the garrisons have fled from Sumura'; requests 20 pairs of horses;
Comments: Amura land most likely is Syria as can be seen from the records of Shalmaneser III. [See also D.Luckenbill, `Ancient Records of Assyria', Vol. I, Sec. 601: "The kings of the land of `Amurru(?)', all of them, became terrified at the approach of my mighty awe inspiring weapons, and my grim warfare, and they seized my feet." The context seems to imply the Syrian land.]
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 20
EA#104 fc(54): says `Pubahla, son of Abdi-Asirta entered Ullaza'; states `to them belong Ardata, Wahlia, Ambi, Sigata, all cities belong to them'; requests help for Sumura; complaints `who are the sons of Abdi-Asirta, the slaves, the dogs? Are they the king of Kassi and the king of Mitani..'; continues `formerly th[e]y too[k] the cities of thy regent...', `behold they have driven away thy deputy ...', `if thou holdst back ... they will take Sumura ... kill the deputy'; states `I cannot enter Sumura', `the cities of Ambi, Sigata, Ullaza, Erwada are hostile to me'; says `These cities, ships (`elippe') and the sons of Abdi-Asi[r]ta are near, and they stand against me so that I cannot go out.'; says `Gubla has united with the Gaz-people. To I[n]amta they have gone ...';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 21
EA#105 vd(89): variant introduction `R. spoke to his lord, the great king, the king of the lands, the king of batt[le]; mentions Ba'alat of Gubla; says `Let the king take care of Sumura', `As a bird lies in a net, so is Sumura'; laments `the sons of Abdi-Asirta by land, the people of Arwada by sea (`a-ia-ba') ... are against me'; says `I have sent three s[hi]ps (`[e]lip[pe]') to Ia[n]hamu ... the people of Arwada [came] to take th[em], but they escaped.', `their ships (`elippe'), according to agreement, have left Egypt. Therefore they are not afraid', `they have taken Ullaza, and they seek to take Sumura, and all that belonged to Abdi-Asirta they have g[iv]en to his [so]ns. Thus they are now mighty. And the ships of the Mi-lim-people they have taken ...', `... Iapa-Addi is hostile to me'; `... made a complaint before A[m]an-__[d]i and Turbiha and before Ianhamu, and they have recognized my right against ...'continues 'Because of that which belongs to me, which he has in a great amount, he has beco[me] hostile to me.'; mentions in a damaged sentence `... to tak[e grain for nourishment f]rom I[arimuta that I] die [not].' lines 49-78 too damaged but names of [Ina]mta and Gaz-people occur herein; continues `[And w]e have instituted a lawsuit.'; mentions `The people of Egypt, [w]ho have come from Ullaza, [ve]rily, they are with me; but there is no [gr]ain for their support. Iapa-Addi has not allowed my ship to come [t]o Iarimuta, a[n]d I cannot send them to Sumura on account of the ship[s o]f Arwada.'; Closes with, `V[erily, R]ib-[Addi], under these circumstances, to take to me ...';
Comments: In essence the importance of this letter lies in the highlighted sentence showing that the sons of Abdi-Asirta, namely the patricide Azazel/Aziru/Hazael who evidently emerged as the strongest among `the sons' sat now on the throne of his father King Ashurnasirpal II/Benhadad/Yuya, 2.Kings 8:15.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 22
EA#106 gc(49): Says, `Gubla has been [for] ever a faithful city'; ... I am the footstool of the feet of the king; laments `... hostility against Sumur has become very great ...', `... they have been able to oppress it, but ... not ... conquer...'; Asks, `Why has Rib-Addi, under such circumstances, sent a tablet to the palace? Is he more anxious than his brothers about Sumur?'; states, `... hostility against Sumur has lasted five years ...', `... I am no[t] li[ke] Iapah-Addi and not like [Zi]mrida. All the brothers [have become] rebellious [again]st me, (and) there is hostility against Sumu[r]. And, verily, its deputy is now dead, [a]nd, behold, I am now sick. [A]nd I was in [Sumur], [and a]ll its people [have fl]ed'; requests a new deputy, requests Ianhamu ... a wise man and all people love him'; requests 20 pairs of fine horses - the people with me are in great numbers - ... that I may go forth against the enemies'; `on the day the archers fall away, all will become hostile';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 23
EA#107 gc(48): says `let Ahrib[t]a remain in Sumura, but take Haib to thyself, and test him, and understand his words.'; says `Behold, Aziru, a son of Abdi-Asirta, is with his brothers in Dumasqa'; wants 30 pairs of horses and chariots; mentions Sirma-people; the following words occur, `spoke', `king of lands', `great king', `king of battle', `Baalat of Gubla', `power', `seven times', `mouth spoken', `true words', `faithful', `understand words', `put a ring on a deputy in the presence of the regents', `no silver for horses', `It is all at an end for sustenance', `I have no chariots', `I have no horses'; closes with, `Under such circumstances I fear, and under such circumstances I have not marched to S[u]mur[a].';
Comment: The fairly well known names in this letter, we find also in the Bible. We have Samaria, Aziru is Hazael, the son of Abdi-Ashirta/Ashurnasirpal/Ben Hadad, and Damascus, besides Rib-Addi, a possible name for a Phoenician king. The time frame is the 9th century BC.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 24
EA#108 fc(68): same introduction as in EA#105; compares the king to Addu and the sun in heaven; mentions the sons of Abdi-Asirta; writes `I wrote t[o] thy father and he lis[tened] to my w[or]ds', `They have taken horses of the king and chariots, and they have given Sirma-people and officers to the land of Suri as a pledge. In whose days is this thing done?'; says `Now they speak a hostile word to the king', `Wha[t] are they, the dog(s), that they [should] op[pose] the archers of the king'; says, `Under such circumstances they have no fea[r of] the chiefs'; mentions the Mi-lim-people, messengers to Sumura; mentions messengers by night, Gaz-people, 20 people from Miluha and 20 people from Egypt to protect the city for the king; written to Ikhnaton; this letter should closely follow EA#116;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 25 ... I departed from Niniveh. ... To Karkar I drew near. Karkar, his royal city I destroyed. ... 200 soldiers of Matinu-Ba'il, the Arvadite ..." [Luckenbill, `Records of Assyria', Vol. II, Sec. 610, 611.] Together the information from this EA letter and the Assyrian record we may connect Mut-Balu with the city of Arvad. From Josephus, who quoted Menander, we know that a Metten-Baal var. Matgenus was a grandson of Ithobal (Ethbal) and a nephew of Jezebel. [Josephus, `Against Apion', Bk. I, Sec. 18; "... he was slain by Ithobalus ... he (who) was succeeded by his son Badezorous ... he was succeeded by Matgenu (var. Metten-Baal) his son..." and Antiquities, Bk. VIII, ch. XIII, Sec. 1; "Ahab... he took to wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jezebel ...".] Matinu-Bail and Metten-Baal are presumably the same person as the Mut-Balu in the EA letters. This identification is further strengthened by another name we find in both, the EA letters and in the records of Shalmaneser III. This name is the name of a city, "But let the king direct his attention towards his servant and give him Uzu in order that he may live .. and drink water." EA#150. .. "200 soldiers of the Usanateans"  In revised view `Jasuia/Yishua' could not be Joshua.
EA#109 1stgc(30);2nd mc(31-65); 3rd vd(66-69): uses usual introduction; mentions `formerly the king of Mitanni was hostile to thy fathers' and that `thy fathers did not depart from my fathers'; mentions `the sons of A[bd]i-Asirta followed by epithets (i.e. the slave, the dog); mentions locations of A[rda]ta, [Ull]aza and S[um]ur[a]; mentions `Under such circumstances my heart [burned]. They have ta[ken] ..... of thy regents and th[e Sirma-people] of thy [ch]ariots and the offi[cers have] they taken, ... [a]nd bound them(?) in the hous[e] .... them, and they have laid a ransom upon us, (namely) fifty (minas) of silver, and...'; mentions persons of Ianhamu, Ha[ia and A]manap[pa]; states, `Formerly, at the sight of a man from Egypt the kings of Kina[h]ni would flee from before him. But, behold, the sons of Abdi-Asi[rta] banish the people of Egypt, [and] with blood weapons they have threatened m[e].' ... `Thus they have become mighty, and the [re]gents do n[ot] associate with me.'; mentions land of Su[b]ari (Subartu?); mentions the kings of Kina[h]ni; mentions `[Af]ter Ha[ia and A]manap[pa] [dep]arted fr[om Su]mura [w]ith coppe[r and] his ...';
Comments: Compare this letter with the information in 2.Kings 8:12 and EA#124 with 2.Kings 10:32.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 26
EA#110 vd(58): This is a heavily bracketed letter which mentions Azir[u] and `ship(s) of the Mi-lim-p[eople] no[t] go [forth] [t]o the land of Din[a]-... also the words `regents' and `banished' occur;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 27
EA#111 vd(28): This is a heavily bracketed letter which says in part, `B[e]hold, I ha[ve written to th]e p[a]lace [for] a ga[rri]son; `[S]end m[e] ... ho[r]s[es]; `B[e]hold, the Mi-lim-people [have en]tered Ak[ka], ...'; (Comment: Akka is probably Acco);
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 28
EA#112 mc(59): After the usual introduction the phrase `Protect thyself, and thou wilt be protected indeed' occurs; Rib-Addi asks, from whom, from enemies or my peasants?; writes, `if the king protects his servant, [then] I shall [b]e delivered; says, `If the king sends people of Egypt and of Miluha and horses ...'; says, `Ev[eryt]hing is consumed, [ha]ving been given to Iarimuta for the deliverance of my life. I[f] the heart of the king is for the deliverance of thy servant ...', `... send a garrison ...', `... archers ...', `Bring Haia to Sumura.' I have given 13 (minas) of silver (and) one pair of garments as compensation to the Gaz-man, after he had brought the tablet to Sumura (...by night)';
Rib-Addi to a high Egyptian official or the king
EA#113 mc(49): Letter does not begin with a greeting, just states, `[F]urther: ----- [thou] can[st] not ---- and [hi]s regent ... H[as] he not [committed] a crime or planned -- in his heart?'; asks `What have I done to Iapa-Addi, that he [has] pre[pared] evil, wickedness against me? Behold, he has robbed two of my ship(s), and my --- and very [muc]h of my property is in his possession.'; mentions Gaz-people; says, `May the sun gove power to thee ...'; mentions Amanmaša;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 29
EA#114 gc(69): uses phrase `king of battle'; mentions `Baalat of Gubla'; uses phrase `At the feet of ... 7 times ...; states Aziru is hostile, he seized 12 people, asks for ransom of 50 minas of silver; R.A. sent people by ships to Sumura, ship seized in Wahlia; mentions ships of Tyre, Beruta, Zidon; Amurri in peace with them; says he's `treated like an enemy'; states, `Iapa-Addi has united with Aziru my enemy. And has actually seized (sabat) one of my ships and has sailed (`ki-na-na-ma') forth upon the sea (`a-ia-ba') in order to capture my (other) ships (`sabat elippe')'; states `peasants intend to desert; wants help in deliverance; states garrison of soldiers had left Sumura; states messenger stayed with him two months; requests archers; mentions Amanmaša; R.A. `sent Amanmaša from Alašia to thee'; says `formerly my peasants have provided provisions from Iarimuta, but Iapa-Addi did not permit them ..; mentions `people of Meluha';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 30
EA#115 vd(23): in very damaged text it mentions city of Sumura, Amurra;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 31
EA#116 (mc1-14,gc15-71,vd72-80): complains `hostility is very great against us'; states `If it is said in thy presence: `Sumura belongs to the king' then let the king know that it has fallen and I lament; for the sons of Abdi-Asirta have conquered (`saabtu') it...', `messengers ... from the palace are not able to enter Sumura'; mentions `Iapa-Addi ... has not treated with me'; says, `my fidelity is very great'; mentions the deputies of the king ... let them decide between us; says, `all my cities have united with the Gaz-people ... against me, and (Aziru) and [Iapa]-A[d]d[i] [has planned] evil, mischief against me'; requests provisions for himself and Gubla; says `What are the sons of Abdi-Asirta that they have taken the land of the king for themselves? Are they the king of Mitana, Kaši and the king of Hata?'; requests archers; mentions Ianha(mu), Kumidi;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 32
EA#117 (gc94): Uses usual introduction as found in EA#74; King had written `Why hast thou written to me?'; Rib-Addi says, `Behold, as for me, there is not a regent in my following, from Sumura onward, and all have really turned against me.; mentions `two people, whom I had sent to the palace, have not departed. (Therefore) I have not written to the king. There is no man who can bring my tablet to the palace.'; says, `I sent a man to visit thy father, when Amanappa came with a fe[w] soldiers, a[n]d I wrote to the palace: "So let the king sen[d] many soldiers"; And he sent (them). States, `Abdi-Asirta, with all that belongs to him, was not (then) taken, as I have said.'; states, `If my words were regarded, then Azuru would truly be captured (`juuulku') even as h[is] fa[ther].'; says, `What are the sons of Abdi-Asirta, the slave, the dog ...'; mentions, `There will be no peace for them from the city Sall[u unto] the city Ullaza, the city, which has giv[en] chariots.'; says also, `[Al]l soldiers had left b[y ship] [for] Sumura, a[nd] the [mas]ter was Aziru---.' says, `If in th[is] year there are no archers, then a[ll] lands will belong to the Gaz-people...'; mentions also Ianhamu, Bihura, Iapa-Addi, Ha and D[an]una; mentions Amurri, the people of Meluha or Miluha; requests a garrison of archers;
Comments: If Sumura was Samaria `from Sumura onward' (into the Syrian lands?) or if it was a coastal town (onward, further north along the coast?); `soldiers had left by ship for Sumura, (the harbor town?) or (to march from a harbor town to Samaria?);
Parallels EA#127, where it states that `Azaru/Aziru would truly be captured as his father (Ben Haddad I) was taken ....' but later released by the king of Gubla. Azuru would then be Hazael, a conclusion reached by Velikovsky and also by Damien Mackey in EA's Mesopotamians.
Velikovsky seemed to have concluded that EA#127 was written before EA#117 and took the two marked sentences to support his view that, Ahab (or should we say the particular king who was under pressure?), looking for help from the pharaoh against Azaru/Hazael, the son of Abdi-Ashirta/Ben-Hadad, and recalled the capture of the king of Damascus and his later release. "The treaty ("the covenant") with Ben-Hadad was made at a time when the Syrian was defeated. A prophet, distressed by the credulity of the king of Samaria, disguised himself as a wounded warrior, stopped the king on the road, and said to him: "... thy life shall go for his [Ben-Hadad's] life, and thy people for his people." 1.Kings 20:42. This prophecy was fulfilled. We read the complaints of the king of Sumur that he is oppressed by the king of Damascus, whom he once released. He even contemplates a new covenant with the king of Damascus, this time himself the humble partner. See EA#83. V. then points out that, `the covenant concluded after the battle of Aphek, which was made in favor of Israel, endured for 3 years: "And they continued three years without war between Syria and Israel." 1.Kings 22:1, then the hostilities were renewed. The war which started with the siege of Samaria, was continued at Aphek, and after a truce of 3 years, broke out again at Ramoth-Gilead. Accordingly, the king of Sumur wrote: "Three times, these years, has he [Abdi-Ashirta] opposed me." See EA#85.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 33
EA#118 gc(56): After initial greeting requests a garrison; Says: "Further: `I have a lawsuit. Send a deputy, who will hearken to my words and give my right into my hand, even if the king should take for himself, from the regents, all that belongs to me."; Says `Hostility against me has become mighty, and [there are] no provisions for the peasants. So they are really fallen into the hands of the sons of Abdi-Asirta and Zidon and Beruta.', says `they are in reality enemies of the king; Says, `at the desertion of the peasants, the Gaz-people have conquered (`saabtu') a city; says `I (have set) my face to serve the king, according to the manner of my fathers'; requests soldiers and archers. If the cities belong to them (the soldiers), they will have rest, and they will not write to the king about me and about Ianhamu; mentions `Sumu[ra]'; says, `There is no servant like Ianhamu, a faithful servant to the king';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 34
EA#119 fc(59): After initial greeting says, `Since the king, my lord, has written: `Protect thyself''; requests a garrison and horses to protect his city; Asks, `If I am killed, what will he do?'; says not to listen to slanderers; states, `the king knows my loyalty', `my face is set to serve the king', `this law-suit is a law-suit about my right', `Behold, my other tablet, and all my implements, which are with Iapa-Addi, he will exhibit before the king';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 35
EA#120 vd(45); First part (lines 1-28) contains a much damaged list of implemts; Among implements are: `9000 maid servants and slaves'; mentions persons of Abdi-Addi and Ben-azimi;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 36
EA#121 vd(63): Starts out like EA#119; talks about the enemy Abdi-Asirta being mighty against him; requests archers;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 37
EA#122 fc(55): starts with usual greeting; reminds king about garrison his father had; laments that he has no garrison to protect himself; states `... Pahura has committed a great wrong (deed) against me. He has sent people of Sutu and they have killed men of Serdan, and three people he has brought to Egypt and how many days has the city been enraged against me?'; says, `Hear me, ... , so I have written to the palace, but thou hast not hearkened.';
Comments: Some interpreters decided that the `men of Serdan' are part of the Shardana `Sea Peoples'. We do not concur with that conclusion. See EA81
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 38
EA#123 gc(43): Starts with a variant greeting, `Rib-Addi wrote to his lord, the great king, the king of lands, the king of battle' and continues with usual 3 line greeting; next he says, `A deed which has not been done before from eternity has been committed against Gubla. Bihura has [s]ent people of Sutu. They ha[ve killed] men of Serdan a[nd] have taken three people and brought them to Egypt'; `Abdi-Irama, Iddin-Addu, Abdi-Milki, these are the ones'; mentions `Abdi-Asirta';
Comments: See EA#122.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 39
EA#124 vd(67): Same usual 6 line greeting; states `Aziru [has] tak[en] all [my] cities. Gubla in her solitude is left to me. S[o] care for thy faithful servant. Behold, soldiers have gone up against Gubla (and also Beruna), and in order to take it he has now, indeed assembled al[l] the cities. And if he takes it, wh[ere] shall I stand?'; mentions the `regents'; writes, `... Aziru has taken my [ci]ties. [and, b]ehold he has returned to conquer Gubla after the man[ner of Abdi-A]sirta, [and] [no]w Paw[ara] s[ays] to me...'; talks about oxen; asks, `... why has the king sent [Šir]ma-people, as archers, to take [the] citie[s]? They have [no]t the power to take [them].'; asks for a garrison;
Rib-Addi to the king, No, 40
EA#125 gc(45): Usual 6 line greeting; talks about the protection issue where the king says `protect thyself and the city' and Rib-Addi asks, `From whom shall I protect myself and the city?', next he states, `Formerly, a royal garrison was with me, and the king gave grain from Iarimuta for their provisions. But, behold, now Aziru has again oppressed me. I have no oxen...', Aziru has taken all, ... . And there is no grain for my provisions, and the peasants have departed for the cities where there is grain for their provisions.'; Asks then, `Why has the king compared me with the regents? The cities of the regents belong to these men (the sons of Abdi-Asirta), their chiefs are subject to them...', calls them `... the dogs' and states they `... cause the cities to go up in smoke';
Comment: This letter seems to reflect conditions described in 2.Kings 8:1, 11-13 where we read: "Arise, and go thou and thine household, and sojourn wheresoever thou canst sojourn: for the Lord has called for a famine. ..." Compare also EA#108.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 41
EA#126 fc(66): Uses a 3 line greeting; here follows the entire letter, "Since my lord has written for b[ox]-wood, (know that) from the lands of Zalhi and fro[m] the city of Ugarit it is procured. I cannot send my ships there for Aziru is hostile to me, and all the regents are at one with him. According to their pleasure their ships go and take what they need. Further: Who has given anything? And (still) the king has given provisions to the regents, my companions, but to me he has given nothing. Formerly, however, there was sent to my father from the great palace silver and everything necessary for his (their) life and my lord sent soldiers to them. But, behold, I have written to my lord for soldiers, but no garrison has been s[en]t and [nothin]g at all has been given to m[e]. - - - - I. Th[en sa]id the king, my lord: "Prot[ect thyself] and protec[t the royal city that is in thy care]", (then I said): How should I protec[t myself]? [Further]: I have written t[o the king, my lord]: "They have taken a[ll my] [cities]. The son of Abdi-A[širta is] their [lord]; Gu[bla is the only] ci[t]y (that) belongs to me." And I have n[ot sent] my messenger to [the king], my [l]ord? (But) soldiers we[re] not sent and [my] messeng[er] thou didst not permit to go out. But send him with auxiliaries. If the king hates his city, then I will abandon it, and if he permits me, an o[ld] man, to depart, the[en] send thy man that he may [prote]ct it. Why was nothing given to me from the palace? I have heard from the Ha[t]i-people that they burn the lands [wi]th fire. I have repeatedly written. (But) no answer has come to me. All lands of the king, my lord, are conquered, and my lord holds himself back from them, and, behold, now they bring soldiers from the Hati-lands to conquer Gub[la]. Therefore, care for th[y] city. And let the king not hearken to the Mi-lim-people. All the gold and silver of the king have they given to the sons of Abdi-Aširta, and the sons of Abdi-Aširta have given it to the mighty king. And in this manner they are powerful."
Comment: This letter mentions `boxwood' ("Buxus" species; Hebrew `teashur' Isa. 60:13); mentions `my ships' and talks about the Hatti land and soldiers as if they come from far away seems to imply that Rib-Addi was a king living near the Mediterranean Sea and that the `Hatti' did not originate in this case from Anatolia, a region which ought to have been not quite so foreign to him, but probably from the region of Niniveh or Babylon. - Calling Syria `Zalhi' in Hebrew/Cuneiform is close to calling Syria in Hieroglyphics `Zahi' (See Encyclo under Zahi). - Assyrian documents do show that there was a city called `Zaba', perhaps helping us that it is somewhat similar to `Zahi' and therefore, `Zahi' is more likely Syrian rather than Israeli.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 42
EA#127 mc(46): initial greeting as part of 11 lines are missing or damaged, word `Sumur' is preserved as well was the phrase, `He has acted deceitfully'; continues, `Rib-Addi will bring forth ar[ch]ers and take us.'; states, `[I]f Gubla is taken [the]n there are no people of Egypt [who] will come here. [If] Gubla is [join]ed to [the S]a. Ga[z-people], then there ar[e n]o [Kaš]a-[soldiers] who will enter.'; requests a garrison ...; states, `When, formerly, Abdi-Aš[r]atu marched up against me, I was mighty, ... (now) my people are crushed.'(*); requests `[one] hundred people and one hundr[ed] soldiers from the land of Kaši [a]nd thirty chariots. So I will indeed protect [the lan]d of my lord until a great army of archers goes forth [and] my lord takes Amurri [to him]self a[nd there is r]est---'; letter ends with, `--- the [S]a.Gaz-people, [and I] am dead.'
Comments: Velikovsky took (*) to indicate that in the time of distress and oppression that came later, the king of Sumur, remembering these better days, wrote to the pharaoh this sentence. See also Here.
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 43
EA#128 vd(31): The following names occur: `As[iru], [Gu]bla, Ilira[bih];
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 44
EA#129 mc to vd(97): Uses 3 line greeting; states, `The king my lo[r]d, has [a]s[ke]d [ab]out the [so]ns of Abdi-Asirti whe[ther] th[ey do] as they wish. [Wha]t are they? Weighty(?) dogs .... [And thou hast ask]ed [whe]ther they have done ...'; mentions `the regents, Beruna'; says, `And when the[re are n]o tablets to the re[gen]ts, then they try to do mischief. If there are no archers then their face is set to conquer [Gubla], ...'; states, `... if the king, m[y] lord, has written: "Behold soldiers are marching forth", then thou hast [spoken] falsehoods. There are no archers here; they have not marched forth. Thus [the enemy] is mighty against us. If arch[ers] come not this year, [then they will ta]ke the ci[ties] of G[u]bla. (But) [if] the cities of Gubla [are taken], [it will be said: "W]hat have the soldiers done, [who were with] Rib-Addi?"'; continues, `.....' `If archers are not here this year, then send ships that will take me with the living gods to my lord.'; mentions also the `Hati-lands'; says, "Verily, I did not fear N[am]iawizi"; mentions, `the chief of Kumidi', also the `S[a].G[az]-[people], Biwari, S[umu]ri';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 45
EA#129a gc(69): uses 4 line greeting; deals initially again with sending of archers (ni-mu-ut), the following names occur: `Gubla, Abasunu'; says, `They try to do mischief when they say to the king, "Death (mu-tu-mi) is in the country." Let not the king, my lord, hearken to the words of these men. There is no death in the country. It is better than ever. '; continues .... `... none of the regents like it, if the archers depart, when it goes well with them. But I desire their departure when it goes badly with me. Let the king, my lord, come that he may see his country stripped of all! Behold, on the day that thou comest all the country will rally to the king, my lord. Who can stand against the soldiers of the king? Let not the king, my lord, give in another year (šá-ni-ta) to the sons of Abdi-Aširti, for thou knowest them: They are all in the country of the king, my lord. Who are they, now, who did mischief and slew the envoy (zu-ki-na) of Piwiri?';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 46
EA#130 fc(51): starts with 8 line introduction; states, `Since the king has written to me, "Behold, Irimaissa comes to thee", (I say): He has not come to me. Since the king has written to me: "Protect thyself and protect the city of the king which is in thy care", (I say): Who should protect me?'; goes then at length at the help his father received from the former king; states, `Behold, they have killed the regents. The cities [a]re [no] (more).'; continues, `They are like dogs ... dwell among the Gaz-people ... no provisions ... peasants will rebel ... lands are hostile ... send a garrison ... will protect it as long as I live';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 47
EA#131 mc(62): 5 line introduction missing; writes, "Send, O lord, a garrison to Gubla. For Sumuri is no[w] conquered, (and) the soldiers of Gubla are killed (sâbę). If the heart of the king, my lord, is in favour of Gubla, then let my lord send 400 soldiers, 30 chariots, and 100 people of the Kasi-lands to protect Gubla, the city of my lord. [B]u[t] if the king does not send summer grain, then soldiers w[i]ll surround [the road] to Gubla and surely take it. For there [a]re no [soldiers] he[re who] can fight, and they have [su]bdued the regents of the king, my lord, [an]d they are [kil]led, and they have drawn nigh to the deputies (malik) of the king, now that Biwari, the deputy of the king, is killed (`šá-ki-in)', and laid on ... and ..."; continues, "But we are a servant of the king, and it is painful to our eyes after we are .... . And I am afraid that ..... is killed, (and) the man overthrown, be[cause] .... is not for hi[m]. [Former]ly they did so. [But} the king, [thy] fathe[r], sent a few archers and they took the whole. But Pahamnat[a] did not listen to me; but he committed hostile deeds. And, behold, his son plunder[ed] Sumurri. But [let the king] hearken to his servant and se[nd] m[a]ny archers...'; continues in broken lines to talk about archers and no provisions and grain; states, `Let there be no weeping'; ends with `[But if the king] does not send [to Gubl]a, then they will take it and ... ... and the lands of Kinah[n]i will not belong to the king ... ... Ianhamu ... ... of god";
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 48
EA#132 mc(59): uses 7 line introduction; reminds king of his father aiding Gubla; states, "Further: Care for Gubla, thy faithful city. Formerly Abdi-Aširta opposed me, and I wrote to thy father: `Send royal archers. And the whol[e] land will be taken in (a few) days.' (At that time) Abdi-Aširta, with all that belonged to him, was not taken to .... And, behold, now Aziru has assembled a[ll] the Gaz-people and sa[id] to them:"; 6 damaged or missing lines follow; continues, `Ianh[amu] is [in]deed with thee.';states, `If I make a treaty wit[h] [the so]ns of Abdi-Asirta, then they will take thee in. And the protection of the citie[s] of the king, his lord, I have recommended in the same manner to the Pawa[ra]. But he hearkened not. At the words of Hai[b], his father has made the citie[s] hostile. Behold, Haib has surrender[ed] Sumura.'; states, `... a deputy was killed.'; `If now thou holdest back, then Bihura will not be able to remain in Kumedi, and all thy princes will be killed. [B]ehold, so h(ave I) written to the p[ala]ce. [B]ut they did not hearken [t]o me. Send ships to take all that be[longs] to Baalat and me. [Sen]d 5000 people, and 5000 pe[ople] o[f] [Melu[ha], and (fifty) chariots. A[nd I wi]ll prot[ect] [the city] for thee. Se[nd] archers and make the land quiet.';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 49
EA#133 vd(19): uses 1 (partially preserved) line greeting; states, `Care thou for thy servant and for Gubla. S[ince the conquest of] Sumura [I] ha[ve written]: The sons of Abdi-Asi[rta have taken] all [thy] cities. [They ha]ve become hostile t[o me]. [B]ehold, Haib [is with thee]. Ask him.'; requests a garrison and says, `[Se]nd me ten [people of] [Melu]ha (ka[si]).';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 50
EA#134 vd(41): no greeting preserved; states basically that gods and soldiers have left Gubla and pharaoh should therefore care for it; names mentioned include Gubla and Sumura; mentions provisions, king not writing to him, hostility and destruction;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 51
EA#135 vd(25): no greeting preserved; states, mentions, `Sumur, deputies, 200 chariots, Egypt and a deputy;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 52
EA#136 gc(46): uses 5 line greeting; states, `The people of Gubla and my house and my wife said to me: "Attach yourself to the son of Abdi-Asirta, and let us make peace between us." But I refused'; requests a garrison but laments that he is not receiving answers; states, `When I was discouraged I wrenched from my heart a decision: "Come, I will make friends with Ammunira." So I went to his house to establish friendship between (us). Then I turned back to my house but my house was closed against me. So let the king, my lord, care for his servant.'; ends letter with, `My two sons and two women have been given to him who has rebelled against the kin[g].';
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 53
EA#137 gc(103): uses 4 line greeting; states, `I have repeatedly written fo[r a garrison]; but it has not been given ...'; `... And I have sent (my) mes[senger] to the palace; but he [has turned back] with empty hands ...'; ... `Since no silver has been given, so they insult me, like the regents, my brothers, and they despise me.'; ... `I went to Hamuniri, and my brother, who is younger than I, incited Gubla so that the city was given to the sons of Abdi-Asirta. ... he ... committed a crime and drove me from the city. Let the king not hold back in respect to the deed of this dog.'; continues, `I cannot come to the lands of Egypt (i-ri-ba a-na mâtâti mi-is-ri-e). I am old, and my body is afflicted with a severe disease. ... the gods of Gubla are angry, and the disease is worse, and I have acknowledged my sins to the gods'; asks for archers again and the king's support of Gubla and says ... `numerous are the people, who love me, in the city. Few are the hostile people in it.'; says, ... `let my lord know that I would die for him.'; ... `Let the king, my lord, not hold back from the city. For there is a very great deal of silver (and) gold in it ...'; continues, ... `If they capture (`jipušú') it (Gubla) ... then ... let the king ... give the city of Buruzilim to me for a residence. Behold, I am before Hamuniri on account of the sons of Abdi-Asirti.'; states, ... `If the king holds back ... all the cities of Kinahni will be lost to him. ... If the king ... has compassion upon me, and brings me back to the city, then will I protect i[t], a[s] formerly ...'; requests soldiers and archers; closes by saying, `When it is said before the king in respect to the city, "The city is mighty", (be advised that) it is not mighty in the opinion of the soldiers of the king, my lord.'
Comments: If we take the position that Rib-Addi was the king of Ugarit/Gubla, he probably would not want to `retire' in a city close to where he lives now and therefore Buruzilim still could be `Jerusalem', far enough away and probably safe, he hopes, to live in. If we assume that Rib-Addi was king Ahab of Israel then the statement `I am old...' would be one more likely made by Ahab rather then his son Jehoram as Velikvsky pointed out.;
Rib-Addi to the king, No. 54
EA#138 mc to vd(138): uses 4 line greeting; mentions the city of Iapu; says, `I have not entered before Aw[i].'; mentions Beruta, Gubla, Aziru, Abdi-Asrati/Abdi-Asirti, Sumur(r)i; Contains the all important lines 13-14, "[B]ehold [the]ir hostile [words]: `Give it, his flowing [b]lood.'"*) and lines 25 to 70 where he writes:
"Verily I [am a serv]ant of the king. There are no regents of the king like me, who for the king, my [lor]d, would die. When Abdi Ašrati conquered (`jiisbat') S[umu]rri, I protected the city by my o[wn h]and. I had no garrison. But I wrote to the king, my lord, a[n]d soldiers came a[n]d they took Su[m]uri, and I was ... But verily, now, Aziru has [taken S]umu[ri], and the p[eop]le of [G]ub[l]a looked on, (saying): `How long will we be able to resist the son of Abdi-[Aširti]? Our silver has fallen into the hands of the enemy.' And they have risen against me; but I killed them. A[n]d they said: `How long wilt thou kill us? Where wilt thou get people to live in the city?' And I wrote to the palace for soldiers; but no soldiers were [g]iven to me. And the city said: `Desert him. We will unite with Aziru.' And I said: `How shall I unite with him and desert the king, my lord?' And my brother said: `Th[us] .... in the city.' And they said: `The lords of the city are t[ak]en; we will unite with the sons of Abdi-Ašrati.' A[nd] I went to Beruta to speak before Hammuni[ri], and we made a treaty whereby [H]a[muniri], if ...., then .... from there .... the city ag[ainst me, an]d w[e we]nt, I and [Awi], t[o the cit]y. (But) they did not let m[e en]ter. A enemy of the king took people of Aziru (and) stationed (them) in the [ci]ty, and the city, and it accepted (the fact) that the newcomer remained in the city, and it accepted (the fact) that the newcomer remained in the city, and th[ey] said to him: `Our lord is indeed dead'? When they had said: `Rib-Addi is dead, and we are out of his power', did [I] not write to the lands of Egypt that he (the king) might take us with our children, and that the people of Aziru be driven out of the city?"; says, "... a hostile man has done an evil (great) deed in order to be able to surrender m[e] to Aziru; for he has taken oxen a[n]d dr[i]ven [the]m off [and] [A]b[i], w[ith me] is [hum]iliated, a[nd h]e seeks ...'; ... `And something beautiful (hamudu) that was sent from the king, the lord, was not given to me. My city will withhold (haziri) grai[n]."; ends with, "When I die my sons, the servants of the king, will still live, and they will write to the king: `O bring us back our city.' Wh[y] does my lord hold himself back fro[m] me?";
Comments: Lines 65-70 in this letter seem to underscore the conclusion reached by Immanuel Velikovsky and repeated by Roger Henry that, indeed, Rib-Addi was Ahab. It appears the Ahab of the Amarna letters ends his life in Beirut and Sidon, apparently with relatives of his wife Jezebel and this detail is not mentioned in the scriptures but may be responsible for the belief that he was dead. With this last quotation in mind, could it be possible that Rib-Addi was Ahab? According to this information from EA#138 Ahab would have composed numerous letters from Byblos/Sidon and his last letter from Beirut and that is why he appears to be living there. It would explain his references to and familiarity with ship traffic, underscore the possibility that he indeed survived the dangerous wounding in battle and spend his time of recovery away from Samaria in the hometowns of his late wife Jezebel. Having been lost sight of for a long time Jewish people may have believed he had died and that is what got into scripture. [From a Byblos royal tomb reportedly hails a golden, royal diadem with Egyptian motives and a uraeus cobra according to John Gray's, `The Canaanites', London, 1964. This seems to show that even the supposedly skilled Canaanites enjoyed fine Egyptian metalware.]
Similarly, Damien shows here, that `Abdi-Asrati' (Abdi var. Abdu) is a variant name of Thushrata/Dushratta; Dushrati/Dushratta/Tushratta.
*) Velikovsky thought that these words from the lips of his ID of Ahab as Rib-Addi may indicate that he feared the curse of Elijah pronounced in the field of Naboth, 1.Kings 21:18-19.
Illirabih and Gubla to the king, No. 1
EA#139 vd(40)N: mentions name of (god?) Hiku[p]tah; mentions outrage of Azira against king; says Aziru has killed the chiefs and the king of Ammia, [E]ldata (Ardata?), Aduna of Ir[qata]; mentions [Sum]ura and Ullasza, Itakama; mentions lands of Amki; mentions the king of Hatta and Narima; requests a garrison, 30 or 50 people to be sent to Gubla;
Comment: Amki (seems to be a region rather than a city) is said to be mentioned in the plague prayers of Mursilis II (Nabonidus) as a borderland of Egypt or Egyptian influence in Palestine.
Ilirabih and Gubla to the king, No. 2
EA#140 gc(33)N: reiterates that Aziru killed Aduna, king of Irqata, the king an the chiefs of Ammia and Ardata; Sumura belongs now to Aziru; Sumura mentioned together with Ullasza in an incomplete sentence; Aziru supports Itakama and has smitten the Amki lands and its villages; mentions Hatta and Narima;
Ammunira of Beruta to the king, No. 1
EA#141 gc(48): "To the king, my lord, m[y] sun, my gods, the breath of my life, say. Thus saith Ammunira, the man of Beruta, thy servant and the dust (aparu) of thy feet: At the feet of the king, my lord, my sun, my gods, the breath of my life, seven times and seven times I fall down. Further: I have heard the words of the tablet of the king, my lord, my sun, my gods, the breath of my life, and there is very great joy to the heart of thy servant and the dust of the feet of the king, my lord, my sun, my gods, the breath of my life, that the breath of the king, my lord, my sun, my gods, is gone out to his servant and the dust of his feet. Further: That the king, my lord, my sun, has written to his servant and the dust of his feet: `Make ready for the archers of the king, thy lord,' I have surely heard. And, verily, I have made ready with my horses and with my chariots and with all that is mine, which is with the servant of the king, my lord, for the archers of the king, the lord. And may the archers of the king, my lord, my sun, my gods, shatter the head of his enemy. And may the two eyes of thy servant see the life of the king, my lord. Further: And the two ..... of the king, the lord, my sun, my gods, the breath of my life, have made a requital to his servant. Behold, I am a servant of the king, the lord, and the footstool of his feet. Behold, the city of the king, my lord, my sun, the breath of my life, will be protected, and its wall (humitu), until the two eyes s[e]e the archers of the king, my lord. And ............ the servant of the king [t]o se[rv]e h[im]."
Ammunira of Beruta to the king, No. 2
EA#142 fc(33): 4 line greeting; says, `[I have he]ard the words of the tablet which [the gracious]ness of the king, my lord, has sent, and when [I] heard the words ... my heart rejoiced, and my two eyes were very brilliant. ... I am keeping close guard, and Beruta will be protected for the king, ... , until the archers of the king, my lord, have arrived. ... As to the man of Gubla, who is with me, verily, I will protect him ... Let the king, ..., know what his brother, who is in Gubla, has done, how he has given the children of Rib-[Ad]di, who is with me, to the enemies of the king, who are in the land of A[mu]rr[i]. ... I have [pre]pared (everything), with my horses and with my chariots and with everything possible, that I have in readiness for the archers of the king ...';
Comments: Velikovsky took this emphasized reading as evidence to the scriptural parallel that Jehu killed the sons of Ahab in Samaria and Jezreel, 2.Kings 10:7-11. The location of Amurri/Ammuri? is a bit uncertain but may be Syria.
Ammunira of Beruta to the king, No. 3
EA#143 mc to vd(41): 9 damaged lines greeting; states, ... `Where the message of the king ... is, there I will seek it and will send it to the king, ... . ... Behold, when ships of the king ... come, [whi]ch ---- in Beruta, the handmaid of the king ... sent like --- a t[a]blet ---- in this manner Beruta to the king ... and I, like a man who ---- for the horses of the king ... I am ---- ...';
Zimriddi of Zidon to the king
EA#144 gc(34): 9 line greeting includes `Zimriddi, the regent of Zidon'; states, `Let the king ... know that Zidon is prosperous, the handmaid of the king ... whom he has placed into my hand, and that I have heard the word of the king ... Because he has written to his servant, my heart is glad and my head is erect, and my two eye(s) (hinaia) shine when I hear the words of the king ... And let the king ... know that I have made preparations in expectation of the archers of the king ... And let the king know that hostility has become very powerful against me. All the cities ... have united with the Sa.Gaz-people.'
[Z]imrid[a] to a high official
EA#145 mc to vd(37): 4 line greeting ends with `[At the fe]et I fall down.'; states he had heard `[th]y words ... Very powerful has the hostility become. ... the [k]i[n]g is verily besought fr[om] his lands, and the breath of his mouth has not arrived to his servants, who are in the lands of Zuhri.'; mentions the `lands of Amurri';
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 1
EA#146 vd(38)N: calls himself servant of the king; mentions [Z]imrida and the men of [Zidon]; mentions the Sa-Gaz people; States, `[No]w, behold, the man of [Zidon], [Z]imrida, se[nds] to me day [by] [day]; (but) I did not [s]en[d water ([m]ima)].' (Lines 14-17) In line 20 `water' may appear again.
Comment: Leo Oppenheim suggested in 1973 that the two words `mekku' and `ehlipakku' mean `raw glass'. The tablets tell us that `mekku' and `ehlipakku' were shipped especially from the Near East, especially Tyre. The article does not state which translation Oppenheim used or which letter these words occur in. Our review could not yet find the source for these words but the idea is worth to keep in mind. Glass ingots, which had a bluish shine because of cobalt impurities were found in the Ulu Burun shipwreck. [See George F. Bass, `Nautical Archaeology and Biblical Archaeology' in BA, Mar 1990, p. 4-(7)-10.; L. Oppenheim, `Toward a History of Glass in the Ancient Near East' in Journal of the American Oriental Society (JAOS), Vol. 93:, p. 256-266.]
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 2
EA#147 gc(70)N: uses unusual greeting, `To the king my lord ... etc. ... I am the dust under the sandals of the king ... My lord is the sun that rises over the lands day by day according to the determination of the sun, his gracious father, through whose friendly breath one lives, but mourns at his disappearance, who sets the whole land at rest by the power of (his) hand, who thunders in the heavens as Adad so that the whole land trembles under his thunder.; states, `... behold, I protect Tyre, the great city, for the king ...', mentions `the criminal Azira son of Abdi-Asratu', a passage which Moran translated as, `A second thing: Zimrida, the king of Sidon, writes every day to the crook Aziru, the son of Abdi-Ashratum, about every word which he has heard from Egypt.';
Comments: We entertain the possibility that Abdi-Ashratum is Ben-Hadad and Aziru is Hazael.
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 3
EA#148 gc(46)N: uses 3 line greeting; writes, `The king, my lord, has written concerning the ....stone that is with me. I have given to he king, my lord, one hundred in weight. So let the king ... turn his face toward his servant and give Uzu to his servant; as a vessel of water (mima) for him to drink.'; requests `... give 10 foot soldiers to protect his city, and let me enter and see the face of the ki[ng], my lord. My face is [fr]iendly to the king, my lord, as at the time when the king, my lord, appointed me to protect his city'; mentions `...the king of Zidon takes daily my infantry, so let the king give attention to his servant and give orders to his deputy, and may he give Uzu for water for his servant, for the acquiring of wood, for straw, for clay.'; continues, `Since he has begun hostilities, he has not fulfilled the agreement. There is no infantry here. He who has desolated the land of the king is the king of Zidon. The king of Hazura has left his city and has united with the Sa.Gaz-people. ... The land of the king has fallen to the Sa.Gaz people. Let the king ask his deputy, who knows Kinahna.';
Comments:The `stone' may be a precious stone or one suited to be used in a particular construction project; 100 weight is probably a smaller scale weight leading us to view `the stone' as a smaller object; the term `Uzu' seems to indicate a location where valuables are to do payments with. The EA letters show that the Egyptians appear to have had no treaty agreements between themselves and their vassals. Their relations seem merely to be based on the king's demand for `gifts/payments' and the vassals obedience.
Probably the strongest reason for rejecting the 'Apiru/Hebrew equation can be found in this letter, where the king of Hazor is said to be giving support to the 'Apiru, 'The king of Hasura has abandoned his house and has aligned himself with the `Apiru'.
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 4
EA#149 fc(84)N: compares king to Adad; states, `The king has appointed me to [pro]tect Tyre, the handmaid of the king, and I have sent a tablet quickly to the king, my lord; but he has not returned an answer to me. I am the deputy of the king ... and I am one who brings good news as well as evil to the king...'; requests, `twenty foot soldiers'; wants to see the face of the king; mentions, Etagama , Azira, Habi; says `Habi, [the one] who had been entrusted with the breath of [m]y mes]sen]ger, [has] given Sumur over to [A]ziru.'; states, `Zimrida has taken Uzu from the servant, (who) has left it. And we have no water, nor wood, nor where we are able to lay the dead.'; continues, `Zimrida of Zidon and Azira, the enemy of the king, and the people of Arwada have sworn, and they have repeated the agreement with one another, and they have assembled their ships, their chariots, their infantry to conquer Tyre... . But the mighty hand of the king has arrived and Tyre has smitten them. They were unable to conquer (her). But they have conquered (`sabat') Sumura at the persuasion of Zimrida, who brings the words of the king to Azira.';
Comments: The city of Uzu/Usa supplied essentials like wood, water and burial grounds to the Inhabitants of the island city of Tyre. Interestingly enough in the records of Shalmaneser III we read about the Usanateans. [D.D. Luckenbill, `Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylon`, Vol. II, Sec. 610, p. 223. See also R. Henry, `Synchronized Chronology', N.Y. 2003, p. 134.] The name `Etagama' contains the `Hatti/Hittite' sign of the upright hand with the phonetic value of it or at, meaning `prince' and therefore is the name of a `god' like `Eta', `Aida' or `Ita' which is contained in `Etagama.' [See A.H. Sayce, The Hittite Inscriptions of Emir Ghazi and Aleppo in PSBA, June 10, 1908, p. 187.]
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 5
EA#150 fc(37)N: mentions, `Let the king direct his attention towards his servant and give him Uzu in order that he may live, and in order that he may drink water';
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 6
EA#151 gc(70)N: mentions Zimrida of Zidon, is quoted as saying" `What thou hearest from Kinaha write to me.'; states king of Danuna is dead and his brother became king; states fire has consumed Ugarit and half of the city house of the king; mentions the army of Hatti; mentions Etagama, lord of Kidsi, and Azira have begun hostility against Nimiawazi also using ships;
"Write to me what you have heard from Canaan."
"The King my Lord wrote to me on a tablet: `Whatever you have heard, send it to the king.'"
"And everything you have heard from there, send to me."
"And when you say concerning Amurru, `the word you have been hearing from there, send to me.'"
Comment: `Kinaha' is by many understood to mean `Canaan'; See EA#162 for a comparison between `Kidsi' and `Kidsa'.; Ugaritic word for 1=`ahd', 2=`tn', 3=`tlt', 4=`arb'  Niels Peter Lemche defends his interpreted reading of `Canaan' on purely philological observations rather than historical considerations as Rainey does. We tend to agree with Rainey since EA 151 is not an isolated letter but part of a cache of the entire EA Letter assemblage for which we provide support for its dating to the 9th century BC. We believe, knowing its chronological anchor point allows us to use historical considerations. Therefore, Canaan is not a province in Egypt but in the biblical region of Phoenicia/ Palestine.
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 7
EA#152 vd(66)N: mentions Zimrida of Zidon's hostility against him; calls himself the `servant of tears';
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 8
EA#153 fc(20)N: Iabimilki mentions fear for Egyptian soldiers;
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 9
EA#154 fc(29)N: uses 5 line greeting; states, I have heard what the king has written to his servant: "[I]a[k]u forces (are) befo[re] Iawa' and rebellious people." What the king has said I have carried out with great pleasure.' ... `Since the people have become rebellious against me, the man of Zidon does not permit my people to go down upon the land to get wood (and) to get water to drink ["la-ki mę da-a-ga"- The word `mę' may here stand for water.(?)]. He has killed a man, and he has taken a man ...;[z]ipa[t]... Z[imrida]..';
Abimilki of Tyre to the king, No. 10
EA#155 gc(70)N: mentions Salmaiati in the sense of being a servant to both, the king of Egypt and Salmaiati; lines 49-51 read in Mercer "The king has appointed me to protect the city of Salmajati*, my life, ..."; Moran translates "my life" as "my mistress".';continues, `Let my lord send soldiers to me; (for) [they] have n[ot] [c]ome into the land. If a tablet of the king, my lord, arrives, then it will approach the land.' ... `Behold, the man of Be[r]uta has gone in a ship, and the man of Zidon [go]es away in two s[hip(s)], and I go away with all th[y] ship(s) (and) my whole [ci]ty. So let the king care for his servant, a[n]d protect the s[hip(s)] of the (king in ...';
Comments: According to that school of scholars who like to interprete nearly everything with respect to Egyptian affairs, diminishing thereby the fact that this is a letter from northern Syria, want to translate *) from the cuneiform `Sal-ma-ia-a-ti' or `Sal-ma-ja-a-ti' as likely derived from `Mayati' meaning `Beloved of Aten' a known name for `Meritaten/Mery-Aten', daughter of Akhnaton. Velikovsky's identification of Salmajati with Shalmaneser III, they hold, may be therefore in error. However, after studying these views we tend to agree with Velikovsky given that it is unlikely that Abimilki would talk about pharaohs wife when the political conditions in his neighborhood were so compelling to him. In that case then Shalmaiati may indeed refer to Shalmaneser III/Burraburiash.]; Sumur does not yet appear to be under Aziru's control;
[Another name `Neferneferuaten' is now thought to refer to `Meritaten' rather then `Nefertiti' according to analysts. ]
Aziri to the king, No. 1
EA#156 fc(14): uses a 2 line greeting, `To the king, my lord, my god, my sun. ... Seven times and seven times I fall down at the feet of my lord.'; says, `... I am th[y] servant for ever, and my sons are th[y] servants. Behold two yo[uths] I have given, sons----, and they ma[y] do whatever th[e king my lord], commands. And may he allow me to enter Amurr[i].';
Comment: Like many EA letters the subserviant tone is a mark of the social differences in much of history where power came from up down while in the history of the USA, power was to come from the people on up. The problem of despotism is also described here.
Aziri to the king, No. 2
EA#157 fc to vd(41): after similar greeting to EA#156 states, `My lord, from of old, I am devoted to the servants of the king, my lord; but the chief men of Sumur have not admitted me. Even now I have not sinned. Not the least have I done against the king, [m]y lord. The king, [m]y lord, knows the people who have committed crime. All that for which the king, my lord, has asked I will[sure]ly [give].' ...8 damaged lines... `if the king of Ha[tte] [comes] for hostility against me, then, O king, my lord, give me soldiers ---- and chariots [f]or my assistance. And I will protect the land of the king. ... In haste send my messenger (back) ...';
Aziri to Dudu, No. 1
EA#158 fc(38): begins letter with, `T[o] Dudu, my lord, [m]y father. Thus saith Aziri, thy son, thy servant: At the feet of my father I will fall down. May my father be well. Dudu, behold, [I hav]e performed the wi[sh] of the kin[g, m]y l[o]rd. ... The lands of Amurri are thy [lan]ds ... thou sittest before [the king], ..., --- enemies have spoken [words of] slander ... [mayes]t thou sit before [the king], m[y] lord, when I [ar]ise [an]d words of slander against me not admit. ... from the words of Dudu, my father, I will not ever depart. ... [B]ut i[f] the kin[g, m]y [l]o[rd], does not love me but hates m[e], what s[hall] I then s[a]y?';
Comments:Aziru writes to Dudu and asks him to intercede for him whenever he is misrepresented to the pharaoh. Dudu is a west-Semitic, Hebrew name, who is an officer of Egypt like `Ianhamu' is/was. Ranke (AegZ 56, 69-71) expressed the opinion that Dudu was the high official whose grave was found at Tell el-Amarna; [Pendlebury, `Tell El-Amarna', pp. 50-51] regards this as certain. Aziru's physical father was Abdi-Asirta, not Dudu. Velikovsky states that Dudu may have been a descendant of Hadad the Edomite, who had married into the house of Egypt, 1.Kings 11:19. Dudu was the chamberlain and the "chief mouthpiece of all the foreign lands," as he described himself in an inscription in his tomb. This letter employs a turn of speech, `thy son' also found in 2.Kings 8:9. See also EA#122, 127.
Aziri to the king, No. 3
EA#159 vd(46): uses 4 line greeting; likens king to `Ad[ad], [and th]ou art like the sun-----'; mentions Sumur; states, `[And in resp]ect to the regents [I sa]y: "They are all [e]nemies of my lord, --- they." [M]y [lord], I will now build Sumur [i]n haste. [No]w, let him appoint me when I have built Sumur.';
Comments: Building Sumur probably refers to rebuilding what was destroyed or unusable. Aziri aimed to rebuild it in one year [See EA#160].
Aziri to the king, No. 4
EA#160 mc(44): uses his usual 4 line greeting; states, `Behold, eight ships a[nd] b[o]x-[wo]od and large woo[d] ----, all that [proceeds] out of the mo[uth] [of the k]ing ... I will indeed [attend to] ... a[n]d the kings of Nuha[sse] are hostile to [m]e, a[n]d consequently I have not built Sumur. (But) in one year I will build Zumur.';
Comment: If Sumur, as Velikovsky held, was Samaria, one wonders who the kings of Nuhasse were. There seems to be no precedent for `a Nuhasse' associated with Samaria and therefore, they say, this helps to understand that Sumur could not be Samaria.
Aziri to the king, No. 5
EA#161 gc(56): uses same type of greeting; states, `O lord, to the enemies who slander me before the king, ... hearken thou not. ... And relative to Hani, the king ... has spoken. My lord, I dwellt in Tunip and knew not that he was come. (But) as soon as I heard (it) I went up after him but I did not overtake him. Now, may Hani arrive safely, and may the king ... ask him how I have taken care of him. My brothers and Battiilu stood before him; oxen --- and birds, food for him (and) drink for him they gave. Horses and asses I have given for his journey. ... [W]hen I appear before the king, ..., Hani will come to meet me (and) will take care of me like a mother (and) like a father. And now my lord says: "Thou hast held thyself back from Hani." Thy gods and the sun know indeed whether I lived not in Tunip.' Further: In respect to the building of Sumur the king, ..., has spoken. The kings of Nuhasse are hostile to me, and my cities they have taken at the advice of Hatib, and consequently I have not built it. (But) now I will build it in haste. And my lord knows indeed that half of the implements that the king, ..., gave, Hatib has taken, and the gold and the silver which the king, ..., gave me, all of it, Hatib has taken. My lord certainly knows that. Further: The king, ..., has also said: "Why hast thou taken care of the messenger of the king of Hatte? But thou hast not taken care of my messenger?" This is indeed the land of my lord, and the king, my lord, has placed me under the regents. Let the messenger of my lord come. ... and I will give, `Provisions, ships, oil, box-wood and (other) woods I will give.';
The king of Egypt to the prince of Amurra (Aziru)
EA#162 fc(81)N: states, "Thy lord has heard the following: The man of Gubla whom his brother threw out of the door, [has spoken] to thee thus: `Take me and lead me into my city. _____ and I will give (it) to thee. ...", `... thou hast committed the sin of taking the regent whom his brother threw out of his city by the door. And when he found himself in Zidon thou didst give to him the regents according to thy opinion. Knowest thou not the hatred of the people?', `And behold, the king has heard that thou hast come to an agreement with the man of Kidša that ye take care one with another for food (and) drink. If it is really true, why doest thou so? Why hast thou made an agreement with a man, with whom the king has disagreed.', `... So thou art not with the king, thy lord.', `... If thou ... renderest submission to the king, thy lord, what is there then that the king would not do for thee?' `If thou ... do evil ... then wilt thou die by the ax of the king ...', `Render submission ... thou shalt live.', `... the king does not desire to go heavily against the whole land of Kinahhi.', `Let the king ... send to me Hanni ... and I will send ... the opponents of the king. ... So, send them and let not one remain out of their number. ... the king has sent to thee the name of the opponents of the king upon a tablet by Hanni.', `... And let bands of copper be placed as fetter(s) on their feet. ... thou art to send to the king ... Sarru with all his sons, Tűia, Lęia with all his sons, Wišiari with all his sons, the son-in-law of Mania with his sons, with his wives, the prisoner who understands villainy, who has slandered the embassy, Daašartî, Paalűma, Nimmahę--he is the ---- in Amurri.';
Comment: If `Kidsa' could be read `Kadesh' then how is it different from `Kidsi' (EA#151)? If the final `a' vs `i' differentiates the name then `Kidsa' could be `Kadesh' and `Kidsi' would not be a `Kadesh'. Of `Kidsi' we cannot rightly say it could be Jerusalem, of `Kidsa' there may be a slight possibility it was Jerusalem but most likely these towns were all in close proximity to each other along the northern Phoenician coast and a town on the banks of the Orontes River (the conventional Kadesh) would be equally out of the question. Aziru would be Hazael (841-806 BC) and the king of Jerusalem at the time must have been Jehu (841-814 BC);
The king of Egypt to ...
EA#163 vd(10): only very little is preserved; the following words occur: `.... gracious presence', `[lands live b]y his glance', `...[on ac]count of his lordship', `[....ri]sing of the sun [to the going down of the su]n, are very well.'; With this ends the letter.
Aziri to Dudu, No. 2
EA#164 gc(44): Uses 3 line greeting; `To Dudu, my lord, my father. Thus saith Aziri, thy servant: At the feet of my lord I fall down.'; continues, `Hatib has come and brought words of the king ... pleasing and good ... when the breath of the king ... comes to me.'; mentions `... the king of Hatte is come to Nuhašše. Therefore I cannot come.';
Aziri to the king, No. 6
EA#165 mc(45): uses 8 line greeting; begins with, `My lord, m[y] god, [my sun], ... For Paaluia and [I] are [th]y servants. I protect the land of the king and my face is toward the servants of the king. ... Hatib and I will come, ... I come in haste. The king of Hatte dwells [in] [Nuhašše], and [I am] afrai[d of him], lest he [come] [to Amurri] ... . [A]n[d] on account [of this] mat[ter] I rema[in]. ... I arrived fo[rmerly] to the king from (of?) Ha[t]te. ... I live, and [the king] of Ha[tte] com[es] to Amurri ... For, now, he dwells in Nuhašše, two one-(day's) journey to Tunip, and I am afraid that he will oppress Tunip. Let him depart! ... My lord, do not harken to the en[emy]. [My brother and] I [an]d my sons a[re servants of the king, my lord], forever.'
Comments: Despite the damage it appears that this letter provides valuable information on the location of Nuhašše. We must now look into the annals of Shalmaneser III to see whether he really came to Amurri (Syria), and whether he threatened Hazael (Aziru). We also should remember when `my Lord, my sun' is invoked, it speaks of the god Amun/Amon/Amun Re, the hidden, unknowable. To do this study this paper by Damien in English or in German. Important: Velikovsky identified Baalbek as Tunip (Dunip), an identification which has recently been confirmed by Ibrahim Kawkabani, Lebanon, on the basis of a sherd found at the ancient site inscribed in cuneiform containing the name `Baal Tunip'. This discovery would mean that Tell Asharneh in Syria was not Tunip. [See: http://dailystar.com.lb/printable.asp? art_ID=5604&cat_ID-1] A 2 days journey should then be approximately between 10-40 miles?
Aziri to Hai
EA#166 gc(32): uses 4 line greeting, `[T]o Hai, my brother. Thus saith Aziri, thy brother: Mayest thou be well. And with the archers of the king, my lord, may it be very well. What do I desire more? The face of the king my lord, the beautiful I seek.'; states, `My sons and I are all gallant servants of the king, my lord. Behold, Hatib and I will now come in haste. ... The king of Hatte dwells in Nu[h]ašše, and I am afraid of him; I watch lest he come up to Amurri. And if the world oppress Dunip, it is two one-(day's) journey to where he dwells. So I fear him. And on account of this matter I remain till he departs.'
Aziri to (Hai, No. 2?)
EA#167 vd(34): The beginning 12 lines are all or mostly in brackets and therefore modern reconstructions; mentions `the king of Hatte dwells [i]n Nuhašše, and I fear him.'; also mentions, [T]unip, Amurri, Dudu;
Aziri to the king, No. 7
EA#168 vd(12 plus 16): Obverse: uses 6 line greeting; mentions `[.... an my] m[essenger] [and H]atib wi[ll co]me ...';
Reverse: the words `does, goes, sons, servant, messenger' occur plus the name `Iliaip'.;
A son of Aziri to a high Egyptian official
EA#169 vd to gc(47): Introduction missing; states, `Givest [th]ou me [l]ife, or givest thou me death, I look upon thy face!'; says, `Aziri is thy servant. Do not detain him there. Send him (back) quickly, that he may protect the lands of the king ... . To Dudu, my lord: Hear the words which the kings of Nuhašše have spoken to me: `Thou hast sold thy father for gold [t]o the king of Egypt?' And all lands and all Sűdu-people have [th]us spoken: Aziri does n[o]t [c]ome from Egypt. And now the Sűdu steal out of the lands and have exalted themselves against me (saying): Thy father dwells in Egypt. So we will make hostility with thee.'';
Ba`aluia and Battiilu
EA#170 gc(43)N: mentions soldiers of Hatte, person(s) of Zitana (military man), Rab-ili, Abdi-Uras, Ben-ana, Rab-zid[k]i, Amur-Ba`alu, Anati; mentions cities of Amki, Nuhasse; mentions Aadduni which could be a person, a region or city; this letter appears to have been written to Aziru by the two named above, who were either his brothers or close relatives; this letter may date from the time after Ikhnaton; thought to be the last of the series marking the beginning of events recorded in the Hittite archives;
A son of Aziri to the king
EA#171 vd(37): uses a standard, damaged 4 line greeting; His complaint is translated as, `.... [m]ay I enter [into the relation]ship of servant to the king[g], the [su]n, my lord; [but I]anhamu does not allow me; [he has sent] (away) my m[e]ssenger[s].' continues, `... let the king ... know ... Ianhamu [has] [the]m ... [o]n the way ... the god[s...] have [not] permitted my messengers to e[sca]pe from Iamhamu. I would enter into the relationship of servant .... but Ianhamu permits me not.' Later he seems to hope that, `Further: O lord, ... [I]anhamu ... when he departs ... from the lands ... ...';
EA#172 (0): No translation of this fragment is possible;
..........to the king
EA#173 md(16): no greeting; starts with, `[and] chariots, [upon the land] of Amki he thrusts. [A]nd there hurried by .... the regents of the k[ing] ... [a]rc[he]rs two cit[ies] the s[un] s[eize]d ... f[o]r the way ... messen[ger] ... ..., [b]eho[ld], [he has go]ne up to the l[a]n[d] o[f the kin]g, my lord, [and he has] killed them. [And b]ehold, ten prisoners he has sent to the king, [my] lord. [Let t]he king, my lord, [know] the purpose of his opponent.';
Bieri of Hasabu
EA#174 gc(26)N: mentions cities of Amki; mentions person of E[dagam]a; mentions man of Kinza; mentions Kinza meeting with the troops of [H]a[t]t[a];
Comment: Kenneth Kitchens states that line 13, "ana pana" means `meet with', not gone `against' which ought to be "ina pani" as in EA#71, line 26 (against Abdi Asirta). [K.Kitchen, `Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs', Liverpool Press, 1962, p. 14 ref.]
Ildaja of Hazi to the king
EA#175 fc(20)N: mentions city of Amki; mentions enemy Edagama man of Kinza have gone against soldiers of Hat[ta];
EA#176a gc(23)N: of the city of Esazi, in the country of Amki; mentions his enemy Edaqama of the city of Kinza who leads troops of the Hittite [ha-at-a, Hatti] country;
Jamiuta of Guddasuna
EA#177 fc(10)N: a 10 line letter with no further help except perhaps it mentions a `garrison';
Hibija to a chief
EA#178 mc(26)N: mentions city of Jatani; mentions region of Amurri; no further apparent help;
..... to the king
EA#179 none(10) gc(11-29): The first 10 lines are missing; line 11 starts with, `A[n]d [le]t [the king, my lord, m]y [go]d, my sun return an answer, so that ....; writes, `And, behold, my brother, who is in Tubihi, is a rebel, in that he goes to take the cities of the king, my lord, my god, m[y] sun. [He makes] the Amuri-lands hostile, a[nd] the people w[ho are] in the cities of the king, my lord, [m]y god, [m]y sun, belong entirely to the Gaz-people, and especially the plain of the god of the king, ... . But (if) they conquer (`saabta') Tubihi then I will curse my brother and protect Tubihi for the king ... . And, behold, Tubihi is the city of my ancestral house.';
........ to the king
EA#180 none (1), gc(2-23): No first line; starts in line 2 with 1 line greeting; states, `[i]n this place ... I have sent my son [to] the king ... . And let the king, ...., send chariots, with my son, that they may protect the cities of the king, ... .' continues, `An[d] I will c[er]tainly tell what has been done against the lands. And ... I am a faithful servant of the king ... And yet I am really made out to be evil in the presence of the king .... . So send chariots [that th]ey may take me to the [king ...].;
.......... to the king
EA#181 vd(26): The first 13 very damaged lines seem to be just phrases of greeting and so are the rest of lines 20-26; All other lines have no text and no personal names occur;
Šutarna of Mušihuna to the king, No. 1
EA#182 gc(15): [To the king], m[y] lord, [my god], my sun. Thus saith Sutarna, thy serv[ant, the] m[an] of Mušihuna: In the dust of the foot of the king, my lord, my god, my sun, seven (times) and seven (times) I fall down. And may the king ... care for his lands ... send a garrisson that we may tak[e] the cities of the king ...;
Šutarna of Mušihuna to the king, No. 2
EA#183 md(9): Contains only 8 lines of greeting, line 9 destroyed.;
Sutarna of Musihuna to the king, No. 3
EA#184 md(8): contains only 7 lines and half of the 8th line of greetings;
Majarzana of Hazi to the king, No. 1
EA#185 mc(76): Uses 8 lines of greeting like Sutarna in EA#182; Complains about the deed, `which Amanhatbi, the man of Tušulti, has done against the c[i]ties of the king ... a[f]ter the soldies of the Sa.Gaz-people h[a]d commit[ted] an hostile act against me and taken the cities of the king ...'; continues, `The Sa.Gaz-people have conquered Mahzi[b]ti, a city of the kin[g], ..., and they have plundered and have set it on fire. And the Sa.Gaz-people have conquered Gil[uni], (also Magdali), a city of the king ... and have set it on fire, and scarcely a house has escaped in Giluni.' Continues with the deed against the city of Ušte and Hazi; states then, `... we have delievered a stroke against the Sa.Gaz-people and smitten them. So fourty Sa.Gaz-people went to [Amanh]hatbi, and received those who had gone forth, a[nd] .... Pahmi and the Sa.Gaz-peopl[e Ama]nhatbi.' States `And we heard that there were Sa.Gaz-people with Amanhatbi'; States next how his people, including `my brothers (and) my sons, thy servants, mounted chariots, and went to A[m]anhatbi' and said to him: `Give up the Sa.Gaz-people, enemies of the king, our lord.' Continues then that Amanhatbi accepted the gift of the Sa.Gaz' and fled to them. ...'; States, `Amanhatbi is an enemy.';
[Majarzana] of Hazi to the king, No. 2
EA#186 vd to md(85): talks about Amanhatbi, the man of Tušulti (or Tušalti) according to the same theme found in EA#185; mentions burned cities, i.e. ....-sega, and how Amanhatbi gave `food to the Sa.Gaz-people'; the letter consists of the same repetitious accounts;
Satija of .... to the king
EA#187 vd(25): uses 8 line greeting; states, `Behold, I am a faithf[u]l servant of the king ... at this place, and Enišasi__ (is) a city of the king ...'; says, `... behold I protect [the ab]ode of the kin[g]';... a[n]d be[hold], I have s[e]nt my daughter to the palace, to the king, my lord, m[y] god, my sun.';
....... to the king
EA#188 vd(8): contains only lines of greeting using phrases like `seven times', `faithful servant', `the king';
EA#189 Obverse fc(20)N: mentions the kings evil villain by the name of Namiawaza; mentions location of his house as Gidši; mentions name of chief Puhuru; mentions the Sa.Gaz people; mentions locations of Tahsi, Ubi; variant name is Itakama;
Reverse fc to gc(27); the name `Namiawaza' occurs; states he Itakama, the letter writer, and `all my brothers ... goes `with my soldiers and together with my chariots and ... brothers.' Complaints `Namiawaza gave cities to the Sa.Gaz-people in Tahši and in Ubi. But I arrived, and thy gods and thys sun went before me, and I brought back the cities to the king ... from the Sa.Gaz-people. So let the king rejoice over Itakkama, his servant ... But all [thy] land[s] Namiawaza has brought to the ground ..... for destruction.';
The king of Egypt to Etakkama(?)
EA#190 vd(12): `..... the land of the king ... Puhuri, the chief, will protect the city .... -ra-ša, and will also pro[tect the city Kid]ši, and will pro[tect the c]ity ...., the garri[son]-city of the king.'; The rest of the letter is very damaged;
Arzawaija of Ruhiza to the king
EA#191 gc(21): Uses 3 line greeting; Quotes king as having written, `... that (all) should be prepared for the archers of the king, my lord, [a]nd for his many deputies.'; States then, `Let the archers of the king and his deputies come. For I have made everything ready [an]d after them I will go where they are hostile ... and will take them. Into the hand of the king ... w[e] will [g]ive his opponents.;
Arzawija to the king, No. 2
EA#192 mc(17): Uses 8 line greeting, lines 13 and 14 are missing; no further helpful information is found;
Dijate to the king
EA#193 fc(24)N: he appears to have been an officer of a chariot/archery detachment for the king;
Namiawaza to the king, No. 1
EA#194 vd(32): Uses 4 line greeting; States, `... we are s[e]rvants. I serve the king from [o]f old like Sutarna, my father, like ... --tar, [my g]rand[father].' Lines 11-18 are missing; states, `... [o]n ac[count of] .... the cities and the caravans, which thou hast sent to [N]ahrima. [M]ay they [g]o [for]th .... fears exceedingly. [And], behold, m[y] brother [I s]end to thee.';
Namiawaza to the king, No. 2
EA#195 gc(32): Uses a variant greeting, `To the king my lord, say. Thus saith thy servant, the dust of thy feet, and the ground whereon thou treadest, the chair whereon thou sittest, and the footstool of thy feet: At the feet of the king, my lord, the sun, the messenger of the morning and the evening, seven times and seven times I fall down. My lord is the sun in heaven, and as (one awaits) the rising of the sun in the heavens, so thy servants await the going forth of the words from the mouth of the lord.'; Continues, `Behold, I (go forth) together with my soldiers and my chariots a[n]d together with my brothers and together with my Sa.Gaz-people and together with my Sutu before the archers to whereever the king ... commands.';
Comments: Namiawaza seems to be a member or sympathizer of the Sa.Gaz-people. He certainly uses a very endearing, almost poetic introduction.;
Namiawaza to the king, No. 3
EA#196 vd(43): Uses 4 line greeting; States, `I[n] ..... m[ay] I [arri]ve [at the pala]ce of the k[in]g, my lord, .... . At the [palace of the king of Ha]t[te] .... away fr[o]m me.'; Later uses the phrase, `Never has anyone performed such a d(eed) from eternity.'; Requests, `Let the king ... send to me two hundred people to protect the cities of the king ... until I see the archers [of the king] ... .'; mentiones the name of `Biridašwa.;
Namiawaza to the king, No. 4
EA#197 mc(43)N: No greeting remaining. ...[sp[oke t[o] .......thy s[er]vant is in A[bi].......; his horses and h[is] chariots [they have given] to the Sa.Gaz-people, and they ha[ve] not [given them] to the king, my lord. An who am I? ... servant to me. All belongs to the king. When Biridašwa saw this deed then the city of Januamma arose against me. And he has taken chariots in Aštarte and given them to the Sa.Gaz-people, and di not give them to the king, my lord. When the king of Busruna and the king of Halunni saw (it), they began hostilities together with Biridašwa against me and said: "Come, we will kill Namiawaza and not permit him to come to [Ta]hše." But I escaped out of th[ei]r [hand] and stand in [Abi and] Dimašqa. When ........ [a]s I serv[e]; "We are [servants of the king of Ha]tte." But I said" "I am a servant of the king of Egypt." And Arzawija has gone to Gi[zza], and he has taken the soldiers of Aziru a[n]d conquered Šaddu and has given it to the Sa.Gaz-people, and he has not given it to the king, my lord. And, behold, Itatkama has destroyed Abi. So let the king watch over his land lest the enemy take it. After my brothers became hostile to me I protected Kumedi, the city of the king, my [lo]r[d], and may the king renews it to his servant. Let the king [not le]ave his servant in the lurch. And my the kings of .... see the [k]in[g]s of Abi, w[hether] ..... I see the archers. [Dict. "lurch" could here be used for unsteady, embarrassement, disadvantage.]
Comments: The letter has numerous names of people and cities. Among them Damascus and possibly Gizza. A location of `Astarte' seems enigmatic, as long as the transliteration is tenable. From the Bible a place name of `AshtarothAstharoth' is known, Gen. 14:5; Deut. 1:4; Josh. 9:10.
Perhaps in time we can determine which cities were especially dedicated to this idol. We are researching which letter may likely have been written by or to Akhnaton/Ahab, during the time of Benhadad who had to do with Astharteh, to help in getting more info on the equation Akhnaton = Ahab, Tutankhamun = Joram. I would assume that `Hatte/Hatti' is probably the important coastal area of Lebanon, perhaps from around Sidon to Ugarit/Ras Shamra, or the `hinterland' of that region.- I don't assume that `Gizza' is meant to be a location in Egypt. `Abi' ought to be near Damascus, the latter of which was the seat of Benhadad.
Ara[ha]ttu of Kumidi to the king
EA#198 gc(31): Uses 9 line variant greeting; States, `[To the kin]g, m[y l]o[r]d, the gods [of my] head, say. ...'; Tries to assur king that he is `a faithful servant'; Names a personal reference by the name of `Hamašš[a]'; States he has no horse or chariot and asks king, `that he give life to his servant'; States, `I have, indeed, really, sent my son to the king ...';
........... the king
EA#199 vd(21): Uses 5 line greeting; States, `I have heard the promi[s]e [of the] king, my lord, [and] I [am ha]ppy, [exceed]ingly. An[d I make ready] all the way[s] of the king ... as far as Busrun[a] ...'; lines 18-21 missing;
A servant to the king
EA#200 vd(16): Uses 7 line greeting; States, `Behold we have heard ... of the Ahlamau, the king of Karduniaš'; the word `[t]o eat' (`[a-n]a a-ka-li') is also used;
Artemanja of Ziribašani to the king
EA#201 gc(24): Uses 8 line greeting; States, `Behold, to me thou hast written that (all) should be prepared for the archers.' Replies, `Verily, who am I, a lone dog, that I should not go. ... I, together with my soldiers and my chariots (will go) before the archers so far as the king, my lord, commands.';
Amajase to the king
EA#202 gc(18): Uses 6 line greeting; States, `To me thou hast written to go before the archers. Verily, who am I, a lone dog, that I should not go ...';
Comment: The content of this letter is just like EA#201-206.
Abdi-Milki of Šašhimi
EA#203 gc(10): States he would go before (command) the troops, chariots and archers of the king.
Comment: According to the translators this Abdi-Milki is not the same as the one of EA# 123.
The prince of Qanu to the king
EA#204 gc(20): uses 8 lines of greeting; states, `Thou hast written to me that I should be prepared for the archers'; continues, `Verily, indeed, I, together with my soldiers and together with my chariots (will go) before the soldiers of the king ... wherever they go.';
Gubbu prince to the king
EA#205 gc(18): G. is an officer of the king going before his troops, chariots and archers; no further items mentioned;
The prince of Naziba to the king
EA#206 gc(17): uses 8 line greeting; states, `Thou hast wr[itt]en that (all) should be prepared for the archers. Verily, behold, I, together with my troops a[n]d my chariots (will go) before the archers.'
Ipteh .... to the king
EA#207 vd(21): mentions names like - [B]iz[u], Puhur and Gaz people;
..... to the king or a high official
EA#208 mc(14): uses phrases like, `against me', `I have sent him as ...', states, `Ask Puhuru himself [concerni]ng the cities of the king, my lord, if the cities of the king are safe.';
Zišamimi to the king
EA#209 gc(16): Uses 5 line greeting; Proudly states, `... thy cities, which are under me, rejoice'; reassures, `I am thy servant for all time'; states, `... if th[y] cities will [no]t be p[ro]tected, then may the gods ... smite my head';
Zišami[mi] to Amenophis IV
EA#210 vd(6): `To .... [i]phuri .... say. Thus saith Zišami[mi], thy [bac]k, [which carrie]s .... [impl]ements to the kin[g].';
Zitrijara to the king, No. 1
EA#211 gc(25): Uses 7 line variant greeting of, `Seven (times) and sev[en] times, (with) back as well as (with) belly, at the feet ...'; states, `Behold, I am a servant of the king, my lord, and the command, which the k[ing, m]y lord, has sent [t]o hi[s] servant... . Behold, the king is like the sun in heaven, an[d] we cannot neglect the command of the king ... . And the deputy, whom thou hast placed over me, to him we have hearkened.';
Zitrijara to the king, No. 2
EA#212 gc(14): Uses 6 line greeting; Says simply, `So we have done from of old, as all regents do to the king. A servant of the king, my lord, I am. All the words of the king, (my) lord, I have heard.';
Zitrijara to the king, No. 3
EA#213 gc(25): Uses 9 line variant greeting of, `Seven (times) and sev[en] times, (with) the belly as well as (with) the back.' states, `I have listened to the embassy of the king ...', `Behold, I have made all ready according to that which the king ... has spoken.';
.... to the king
EA#214 vd(33): Uses 6 line greeting, Says, `[The deputy has] arrived a[t] .... day .... is the city [of the king], .... [Z]itr[a]j[ara]...'; `.... a man, [wh]o [hearkens] n[ot] to the words of the ki[ng], is a cr[i]mina[l i]n th[y] land.';
Baiawa to the king, No. 1
EA#215 gc(17): mentions Ianhamu is not here in this [yea]r; mentions the Sa.Ga[z] people; says, `So give life to thy lands.'
Baiawa to the king, No. 2
EA#216 gc(20): a short 20 line letter mentioning Maia the deputy of the king; states, `... send archers to his servants. People who do not hearken to the king, ..., be mindful of them.'
A[h].... to the king
EA#217 mc(22): uses 6 line greeting; tries to assure the king that he is listening to what king lets him know through the king's deputy Maja; Wants king to send troops to help watch those who don't listen;
..... to the king
EA#218 mc(17): Uses 6 line greeting; same content as EA#217;
....... to the king
EA#219 vd(29): no complete sentences; words occur: `gold', send';
Nukurtuwa of (?) [Z]unu to the king
EA#220 fc(31): uses 10 line greeting; starts with, `Who am I that I should not hearken to the deputy of the king ... I protect the city of the king ... till the deputy ... arrives ... And let the king ... know ... that the city ... is oppressed, and (that) my father is smitten.';
Wiktazu to the king, No. 1
EA#221 gc(16): Uses 7 line standard greeting; states simply, `I have hearkened to the embassy of the king, my lord, to me. Behold, I protect the city ... until the word of the king comes to me.'
Wik[tazu] to the king, No. 2
EA#222 fc(11): Uses 6 line standard greeting; states, `Since the king ... has written to me ..., I have given to the king ... whatever I had.';
The pharaoh to Intaruda
EA#222a gc(25): states, `To Intaruda, the man of the city of Akšapa, say. Thus saith the king: I have caused this tablet to be brought to say to thee: "Beware, let the place of the king which is near thee be guarded." Behold, the king has sent to thee Hanni, son of Mairia, the deputy(?) of the king in the land of Canaan (Ki-na-ah-hi). ... Hearken very attentively to what he says ... hear very well ... . Prepare, for the archers of the king, much food, wine, and everything plentifully. Behold, he will find thee very quickly, and he will behead the enemies of the king. Know the king is strong ... and his troops and chariots are many and in good condition.; 
En[g]u[t]a to the king
EA#223 gc(10): considers himself a servant of the king; no further helpful information found;
Šum-Add[a] to the king
EA#224 gc(18): Uses 6 line greeting; states, `Since the king, my lord, has written for grain, I bring the answer: "It is spoiled." Let the king ... ask his deputy whether our fathers have brought (it) since the days of Kuzuna.';
Šum-Adda of Šamhuna to the king
EA#225 gc(13): Uses 6 line greeting; states simply, `All the words of the king I have heard, ... may the king give a deputy, because I have hearkened to all his words.'
Šipturi_ to the king
EA#226 fc(21): uses 5 line greeting; states, `Let the king ... know that hi[s] city is safe, and all the words which the king has written ... I have heard. Behold, I mourn and I weep, a[nd] I will go [not] out in my city; b[ut] I will make ready [water (`mę')] and food an[d] .... for the caravan of the king ... for I have hearkened to all the words of the king.';
Hazor, king of
EA#227 vd(28): mentions king's messenger Hani; name of the city of Hazu[ri] occurs;
Comments: Hazuri is also mentioned in EA#148 line 41 in connection with Zidon. According to Mercer's footnote it is to be identified with /rzaH, west of the Sea of Hule. Müller associates this city with Hdr #32 of the city list of Thutmose III. Its location was not certain to Mercer but he identified it with El-Hurebe, south of Kadesh. If Kadesh is Jerusalem, however, then Hazor seems to be a better identification for it. According to Mercer Abdi-Tirsi (EA#228,3) was the king of Hazuri.
Abdi-Tirsi of Hazor [Hazura]
EA#228 gc(25): uses 9 line greeting; states, "To the king, my lord, say, Thus says Abd[i]-Tirši, the man of Hazura, thy servant: At the feet of the king, my lord, seven (times) and seven times at the feet of the king, my lord, I fall down. Behold, I am a faithful serv[an]t of the king, my lord, and, behold, I protect Hazura together with its cities [fo]r the king, my lord. [A]nd let the king, my lord, think (iazkur) of all that is done against Hazura, thy city, and against thy servant."
Comment: In Samuel A.B. Mercer's translation the word its as in `Hazor together with its other cities' is there in the original as if to suggest that Hazor was the capitol of a region encompassing other cities. [See also `Biblical Archaeology Review', May/June, 1999, p. 30]
Abdi-na-.... to the king
EA#229 mc(7): Only the 7 line greeting is preserved.;
Iama to the king
EA#230 gc(22): Uses 3 line greeting; uses the city protection formula, `In the place where I am, behold, there where I am, are all thy cities (and) I thy servant. Thy regents I indeed protect. If thy officer comes to me he will be protected. But the cities where I am are, indeed, protected, all of them for thee. And thy regents, ask them whether, indeed, they are protected.'
Comments: According to Lisa Liel this `Iama' could be read as Yama/Yawa/Yaui. In the records of Shalmaneser III Yaui is mentioned and has been read as Jehu, King of Judah. Lisa Liel writes: "The beginning of this letter is telling: `Say to the king, my lord / Thus says Yama, your servant / At your feet I fall down / Behold, I am your servant'. Unlike almost every other Amarna correspondant, Yawa makes no reference to the king as `my god' or `my sun'. This is what we would expect from Jehu, who destroyed Baal worship in North Israel."
..... to the king
EA#231 vd(19): Uses 10 line greeting; states `According to that which the king ... has written: "[Pro]tect the city of [the] [ki]ng, [which] is [in] thy [care]." [Verily] I do protect the ci[ty]...';
Zurata of Acco to the king
EA#232 gc(20): Uses 11 line greeting; says simply, `Who is the man to whom the king ... writes and he does not hearken? According to that which proceeds out of the mouth of the sun in heaven, just so will it be done.'
Zatatna of Acco to the king, No. 1
EA#233 gc(20): Uses 15 line greeting; States, `What the king has written to his servant, he has heard, and all that my lord has comman[ded] I will ca[re] for.'
Zatatna of Acco to the king, No. 2
EA#234 gc(35): Uses 9 line greeting; states, `[Zir]damiasda has departed fro[m N]amiawaza. He wa[s] with Suta, the se[rvant] of the king, in the city of [U]n-...., (but) he did [n]ot say anything [t]o him. The army of the king ... departed. He wa[s] with him in Magidd[a]; (but) nothing was said to hi[m]. But he has come to me, and, behold, Suta has written to me: "Give Zirdamiasda to Namiawaza." But I have not consented that he be given. Behold, Acco is like Magdali in Egypt. And the king ... [ha]s not [de]termined that [Su]ta go up against me. So, then, let the king ... [sen]d his [d]eputy, and let him tak[e] him.'
Comments: Mercer correlates Magdali with `migdol' of the records of Ramses III which we show to be the Hebrew word for `tower'. Since Diodorus uses the Greek word for tower in his account of the `Wars of the Sea Peoples', we think that understanding of the word in question is fairly solid. The Magdali of the EA letter could then mean a fortified place like Acco.
Zitatna/(Zatatna) to the king
EA#235 fc(11): Only the 11 line greeting is preserved.;
..... to the king
EA#236 vd(7): only relevant line reads, `....[b]e[hold, the man of A]cco is a man of hostil[ity] ...';
Bajadi to the king
EA#237 fc(24): mentions `... have taken Labaja, and they stand against the cities of the king ...'; `... but the city in which I am ... I will protect it ...'; `... since the day when [I] sent this tablet to the palace, they stand ag[ainst me]';
EA#238 mc(33): chief over a city for the king; requests a garrison of 50 to protect city; mentions the son of Z[a]t[atna] and person of Hagurr[u];
EA#239 gc(27): a short letter in which he considers himself a servant to the king and appears to have been a Syrian city king.;
..... to the king
EA#240 vd(8): no greeting remains; no complete sentences occur;
Rusmania to the king
EA#241 fc(20): uses 8 line greeting, `To the king ... Thus saith Rusmania, the man of Saruna, thy servant, the dust of thy feet, the clay whereon thou treadest, the footsto(ol of th)y feet, ....'; states, `Behold, I am a servant of the king: from of old I serve the king... . Another is [kil]led b[y] my han[d].';
Biridija of Megiddo to the king, No. 1
EA#242 mc(17): uses 8 line greeting; states, `Really I have given ..... of the king, my [lord], thirty oxen ... [r]eally is the place ... in good condition; but I am treated in a hostile manner,';
Comments: Biridri seems to be also referred to as `Adad-idri'. [Pritchard, `Assyrian and Babylonian Historical Texts', ANET 277-281, p. 190.]
Biridija of Megiddo to the king, No. 2
EA#243 gc(22): uses 7 line greeting; states, `I have heard the words of the king ... I protect Makida, the city of the king ... d[a]y and night; ... and verily, power[ful] is the enmity of the S[a].Gaz-people in the land.';
Biridija of Megiddo to the king, No. 3
EA#244 gc(43): says, `Since the archers have returned Labaja has made hostility against me'; states `we are unable to mow the plants', `go out of the gate'; states Labaja wants to take Magidda/Makidda (Megiddo); mentions `death, plague, dust;
Biridija of Megiddo to the king, No. 4
EA#245 md(47): "Further, I have (thus) persuaded my brothers: If the gods of the king, our lord, would ordain that we capture (šú-du-um-mi) Labaja [n1], then we will bring him alive (haiama) to the king, our lord. And my mare came out of the stable (tura), and I sat behind him (ahrunu), and I rode together with Jašdata. But before I arrived (there), they had killed (mahzű) him.[n2] But verily Jašdata is thy servant, and he marches with me into battle, and, indeed - - - the life of the king, [m]y [lord], [an]d - - - - [al]l in - - - - of the king, [my] lord, - - - and Zurat[a] took La[baia] out of Makidda and said to m[e]: "On a ship (anaji) I will send him to the king." So Zurata took him and sent him from Hinatuna to his house. But Zurata had taken his ransom in his hand (badiu). Further: What have I done to the king, my lord, that he looks upon me with contempt (jakillini) and honours (jukabid) my younger brothers? But Zurata has sent Labaia, and Zurata has sent Ba'lu-Mehir to their home. Verily, let the king, my lord, know this." [The entire letter. See color image of it in D. Rohl, Pharaohs and Kings, p. 191.] 
EA#245 in German according to J.A. Knudtzon (1854-1917), "Ferner: ich habe (`dies') meinen Brüdern eingeredet; wenn es dazu kommen lassen die Götter des Königs, unseres Herrn, daß wir habhaft werden des Labaia, so werden wir ihn lebendig (`hai amu') an den König, meinen Herrn, bringen / So . . . . (`tura') meine Stute, und ich setzte her hinter ihm (`ah rum') und ich ritt zusammen mit Jasdata. Bevor ich aber (dorthin) ankam, hatte man ihn geschlagen (`mahzu') / Und Jasdata ist doch wirklich dein Diener, und er zog mit mir in die Schlacht hinein, und fürwahr . . . das Leben des Königs, [mein]es [Herrn], [un]d . . . [al]les in - - - und Zurat[a] nahm La[baia] aus Makidda und sagte zu mi[r], `Auf einem Schiff (`anaji') werde ich ihn senden an den König'. So nahm ihn Zurata und sandte ihn von Hinatuna nach seinem Haus. Aber Zurata hatte genommen sein Lösegeld in seiner Hand (`badin'). Ferner: was habe ich getan dem König, meinem Herrn, indem er mich gering achtet (`pakillini') und ehrt (`juabid') meine jüngeren Brüder? Aber Zurata hat gesandt `Ba'la-mehir' nach ihrem Haus. Ja, das wisse der König, mein Herr!" 
Biridija of Megiddo to the king, No. 5
EA#246obverse fc(9): states, `I have heard of the report of the king';
reverse fc(11): mentions two sons of Labaja ... silver to the Sa.Gaz-people and to the people of K[asi]';
Biridija or Jasdata
EA#247 vd(21): declares his willingness to obey;
Ja[sd]ata to the king
EA#248 gc(22): Jasdata/Yashdata uses the introduction already known from Rib-Addi; says the people of Tah[nuk]a have robbed, [and] they have slaughtered my oxen and have driven me away; mentions Biridija;
Comments: Yashdata was present at the same battle in which King Ahab died. [1.Kings 22:1-4] That makes him a possible candidate for King Jehoshaphat of Judah, whom we expect to be mentioned somewhere in the corrsepondence of the EA Letters. The name Yashdata is virtually identical to Jehoshaphat, except for the letter `d' replacing `ph'. But his city is given as Taanach, which would be inappropriate for Jehoshaphat.
See also the large pharaonic brownish agate scaraboid of `Yasda' from Phoenicia(?). N. Avigad, Gleanings from Unpublished Ancient Seals in BASOR, Apr 1978, p. 67-69. Is Jasdata/Yasdata and Yasda similar?
Biridia to the king
EA#248a gc(31): says `I till in the city of Sunama, and, as for me, I collect the curvée' from the city of Iapu and Nuriibda; mentions the regents;
Others quote this letter as: `May the king know concerning his servant and his city. I was plowing the (lands of Shunem) ... I alone bring corvee workers from Japhia.'
Addu-Ur.sag to the king
EA#249 obverse fc(20): mentions he is being treated evilly by Milkilu; says Tagi is father-in-law
of Milkilu; mentions Labaja, Ianhamu;
EA#249 reverse vd(30): names of [Labaja] and M[i]l[kilu] occur;
Addu-Ur. Sag to the king
EA#250 fc(60): 1. lines 1-11: "[T]o the king, my lord, say. Thus saith Addu-Ur. Sag, thy servant: At the feet of the king, my lord, know th[a]t two son(s) of an enemy of the ki[n]g, my [l]ord, the two son(s) of Laba[j]a have set their face to ruin the land of the ki[n]g, my lord, after thei[r] father ha[d] destroy[ed] (it). And let the king, my lord, know how many times the two son(s) of Labaja have asked me:
2. lines 12-14: "Why hast thou given [i]nto the hand of the king, thy lord, Gitipadalla, the city, which Labaja, our father has taken?"
3. lines 15-19: [A]nd thus the two son(s) of Labaja have said to me: "Begin hostilities against the people of Gina, for they have killed our father. But if thou doest not begin hostilities we will become thy enemies."
3. lines 19b-46: But I answered them: `May the god of the king, m[y] lor[d], preserve me in respect to the beginning of hostlities against the pe[op]le of [G]ina, servants of the king, my lord.' And may it seem right to the king, my lord, to be sure to send one of his chief men to Namiawaza, to [s]ay to him: Hast thou marched forth against the two son(s) of Labaja? Thou art indeed en enemy of the king.' And afterwards the king, my lord, sent t[o m]e - - - - the deed [of the kin]g, thy [l]or[d], against the two [so]n(s) of [L]abaja - - - - - - - the e[n]tra[nc]e of Milkilu [t]o [t]hem; it has [h]appened. - - - - i[s] n[o]t among them. A[nd s]o is that which cometh ou of the soul of Mi[lki]u to le[ad] the two son(s) of Labaja into B[i]š[i] to d[es]tr[oy] )it). Afterwards the land of the k[ing, my] lord, (went) w[i]th t[h]em.
4. lines 38-47: After Mi]lk]ilu a[n]d Labaj[a] had dested (it) then the two [so]n(s) of Labaj[a] said: `Begin hostilities against the king, thy lord, as our father did. When he tok his stand against Šunama and against Bur[k]una and against Harabu, then he depopulated them ([n]akenn[i]), and he conquered Gitirimunima, and he - - - - (u[z]iri) the king, thy lord.'
5. lines 48-60: "But I answered them: `May the god of the king, my lord, I serve and my brothers who hearken to me.' But the messenger of Milkilu yields not to the two son(s) of Labaj[a] at th[i]s time. M[i]l[k]ilu seeks to destroy the land of the king, my lord. But I have no othe[r] purpose. The king, my lord, I serve, and to the words which [the kin]g, my lord, speaks I hearken." [End of the entire letter.]
He therefore mentions city of Gitipadalla, Gina, Bisi, Sunama (Shechem?), Bur[k]una, Harabu, Gitirimunima; mentions person of Namiawaza;
Comments: It is said that `Gath-padalla' has been identified as Jett in the central Sharon. Of the others, `Shunem, Burquna, Harabu, and Gath-rimmon' Rohl and Newgrosh say that, "... three are in the Esdraelon plain in the vicinity of Megiddo; Shunem lies across the plain, ten miles due east of Megiddo, near Taanach; Burquna lies eleven miles southeast of Megiddo, near modern Jenin, the site of ancient Qena'; Gina could be modern Jenin in Jezreel. Mutbaal/Jehoram had interests east and west of the Jordan. In essence this letter is understood to report the murder of Labaya at the hands of men of the Land of Gina (Jenin). If Damien is right on the identity of Labaya as Ahab then see also here on the massacre. But Damien may be wrong for the following reasons: 1) There is no indication that the body of Ahab was taken by ship anywhere (EA245, "... and Zurata took La[baia] out of Makkida and said to me: `On a ship I will send him to the king." So Zurata took him and sent him from Hinatuna to his house.", lines 24-33, 2) the men of Gina, who killed Ahab, were not part of the Egyptian army who, according to the biblical record, killed Ahab. How would this look if Labaya was Mesha of the Stele?
..... to a high Egyptian official
EA#251 gc(15): Letter starts without introduction; author had been accused of a dishonesty, `whether I have taken anything from the regent'; states he is waiting for whatever answer the king sees best;
Labaja to the king, No. 1
EA#252 gc(31): states, `Mighty are the people who conquered the city ... by treachery ... the governor of the city was faithless to Labaya; they spoke slanderous against Labaya; says, `... Ki-i nam-lu tu-um-ha-zu ...' translated as `When the agreement(?) was broken, then they fought not, and so the hands of the men were mighty, who smote it.'; But that translation is discussed below.*);
Here follows W.F. Albright's version: "To the king, my lord, say, Thus Lab'aya, thy servant. At the feet of the king, my lord, I fall. As for what thou hast written to me, `Are the men strong who seized the town? --- How can the men be resisted?' --- (I reply), The town was captured in war, though I had taken an oath of conciliation, and when I took the oath an (Egyptian) officer took the oath with me! The town hath been seized as well as my god. I have been slandered (treated disloyally) before the king, my lord. Further, if ants are smitten, they do not receive (the smiting passively) but they bite the hand of the man who smites them! How can I hesitate these days (!) when two towns of mine have been seized? Further, (even) if thou wilt say, `Come, fall beneath them and let them smite thee, my foe(s) would (still) be resisted the men who seized the town my god, the despoilers of the father, yea, they would be resisted!"[The End]
Comments: While the EA letters are written in Akkadian, this letter proved to be very difficult to translate. Eventual it was found that the first 15 lines use 2 Canaanite (Hebrew) words, the remaining lines use a mixture of 20% pure Akkadian words, 40% ambigious, and 20% Hebrew words. The word `nam-lu' was found to be the Hebrew word for `ant'. *) But the sentence is now translated as, `If ants are smitten, they do not accept (the smiting) quietly, but they bite the hand of the man who smites them.' Labaya could very well be another name for Mesha, king of Edom.
For a readable color image of one of the cuneiform letters of Labaya to the king see BAR, May/June 1998, p. 39.
Labaja to the king, No. 2
EA#253 mc(35): states `[I] have heard the words which the king ... has [wr]itten to m[e] [u]pon a tablet'; states he like his father and grandfather were servants of the king; acknowledges his crime against Gazri when he writes, `I [have n]o[t] committed a crime, nor have I sinned. This is my crime, an[d] this is my [s]in that I entered Gazri.'; states he will serve the king;
Comments: The Bible does not seem to relate such an incident about Ahab entering the city of Gazri/Gezer, if Labaya was Ahab. However, not everything Ahab ever did was recorded in the Bible.
Labaja to the king, No. 3
EA#254 gc(46): letter starts out like EA#253; states again he has not committed a crime, has not sinned, does not refuse to pay tribute, has been slandered, has entered Gazri; mentions Milkilu, Dumuia, Sa.Gaz people, Adda[j]a; states `In case the king should write for my wife would I refuse her?' and in case the king should write to me `Run a dagger of bronze into thy heart and die, would I not execute the command?';
Mut-Balu or Mut-Bahlum to the king, No.1
EA#255 gc(25): "[T]o the king, [my] lord and my sun, say. Thus saith Mut-Bahl[um], thy servant, the dust of th[y] two feet, the clay whereon thou treadest (Isa. 41:25): At the feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times I fall down. The king, my lord, has sent Hâya to [m]e to say: `Caravans have been sent, indeed, to Hanakalbat; so, then, send them (father).' Who am I that I should not send caravans of the king, my lord, farther (Esth. 8:10)? Behold, [La]baja, my father [has serve]d the king, his lord, [and he] has sent on [all car]avans [which] the king [had se]nt to Hanagalbat. Let the king, my lord, send caravans to Karaduniaš. I will bring them in so that they be completely safe." [End of the complete letter]
Comments: Mut-Baal of Pi-hi-li (Pella, on the east bank of the Jordan) could be Labaya's son. Given the tendency toward syncretism in religion, a combination of Yahwism and Baalism (1.Kings 18:21), we might expect the Syrio-Palestinians to have both, a Yahwistic and a pagan name (the gods Mot and Baal). There is a good probability that Labaya was the Edomite king Mesha and his son Mut-Balu was in charge of escorting Egyptian caravans to Mitanni/Babylonia. Coming from Egypt on the way to Babylon one would pass through Arvad the city of Mut-Balu.
A word on paganism. There is a vast difference between what wika or pagans say they believe, what they claim and what wika paganism really is. Many people, disillusioned with Christianity, join wika groups without really knowing what they get into. Despite the claim that wika pagans do not believe in a devil and exhibit a garb of innocence, they tap into another power. But there is a right kind of power and a false kind. We must be very careful on these matters. That ought to raise a red flag in all of us. Basically it is a secretive religion and things go on in initiated circles which are destructive and evil. Parents you do not want your children involved in any of these fads. Yes, evil can exist in some Christian circles, but be more discerning. Wika Paganism is driven by Hollywood movies, especially innocent appearing children movies, video games, the Internet and books to name a few. Get out of wika, sorcery or witchcraft of any type as fast as possible. The Bible forbids the following: "And the rest of the men which were not killed by these plagues yet repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship devils, and idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and of wood: which neither can see, nor hear, nor walk: Neither repented they of their murders, nor of their sorceries, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts." Revelation 9:20-21.
Mut-Balu to Ianhamu, No.2
"To Ianhamu, my lord, say. Thus saith Mut-Ba-lu, thy servant: At the two feet of my lord I fall down. Just as Mut-Ba-lu has said in thy presence, Aiab is escaped. It has been concealed (hihbę) how that the king if Bihiši fled from the deputy (zukini) of the king, his lord.[n256] As true as the king, my lord, lives; as true as the king, my lord, lives, - - (line 13 "A-ia-ab i-na alBi-hi-si") Aiab is not in Bihiši. -- (line 14ff, or in Hebrew `not in a journey' is `' `nbderek' Example: Numbers 9:13, or possible as in this EA letter, `inaBihisi') Behold, he is for two m[o]nths ..... Even Benenima ask thou. Even Tadua ask thou. Even Jašuia ask thou, whether he has not, since ........ -Marduk has returned home, hurried forth from the city of Aštarti, now that all the cities of the land Gari, (namely), Udumu, Aduri, Araru, Meštu, Magdalim, Hinianabi, Zarki, are hostile. Hawini (and) Jabišiba are conquered. Further, behold: After thou didst send me a tablet I wrote to him. Until thou arrivest from thy trip, behold, he will come to Bihiši and will hearken to thy words." [End of the letter]
Topography: Gari: Deut. 3:14; Joshua 12:5; 13:11, 13; Could be Kur garu, the land of Garu; may be shortened form of biblical `Gashuru (Geshurites)' according to Benjamin Mazaar; BAR, Jul/Aug 1992, p. 44; Others translate `Bihisi?' as `Pella?'.
Comments: There is a Matinu Balu mentioned in the annals of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III. "In the year of Daian-Assur (6th year)
Aiab to the king
"To the king, my lord, thus saith Aiab, thy servant. At the feet of my lord, seven times and seven times I fall down. I am the servant of the king, my lord, and the dust of his two feet. I have hearkened to the message of the king, my lord, to me, by the hand of Atahmaia. Verily, I have guarded, [ver]y carefully, [the lan]d of the king, my lord. Furthermore, behold, the man of the city of Hazura has taken three cities from me. On the day that I hear of and see a hostile act, on the very day I know of it, let the king, my lord, know of it, and let the king, my lord, take thought for his servant." [End; there is no letter 256b]
Balu-Mihir to the king, No. 1
EA#257 fc(22): "[To the king], my [lor]d, [sa]y, [Thus] saith Ba`lu-Mihir, thy servant: At the feet of the king, my lord, seven (times) and seven (times) I fall down. Behold, I am a faith[ful] servant of [th]e king, and let [the k]ing, my lord, know [th]at it is well with his [city] and his servant. [And], behold, I have placed my [ne]ck in the yoke which I bear. And let the king, my lord, know that I serve him [with al]l power, [and] (serve) him ......... [with all their pow]er." Compare EA#296, Jeremiah 27:11f;
Balumehir to the king, No. 2
EA#258 fc(22): Balumehir just says everything is good;
Balumihir to the king, No. 3
EA#259 fc(8): no information;
Balumiir to the king, No. 4
EA#260 gc(16): Balumiir states he dwells in the stronghold of Tienni;
Dasru to the king, No. 1
EA#261: Uses 6 line greeting. Writes, "Everything possible that the king, my lord, has said I have heard." [a letter with no relevant information];
Dasru to the king, No. 2
EA#262 gc(11): 6 line greeting. "Everything possible that the king, my lord, does to his land, is all exceedingly good." [Very short letters with no relevant information];
... to his lord
EA#263 vd(34): mentions `... I have entered into the house of my lord. All is taken ...'; list of taken items includes silver, people and small cattle (zünu); states `... cities of my lord are plundered(?)(hazilu); mentions person of P[a]wara, Tâgi and Labaj[a]; requests `a garrison and horses (zû[zima]);
Tagi to the king, No. 1
EA#264 gc(25): Uses 4 line greeting;
"Behold, I am a servant of the king, and I have sought to bring together the caravans through my brother; but he was nearly slain. (Therefore) I am unable to send my caravans to the king, my lord. And ask thy deputy if my brother was not nearly slain. Further: Behold, with respect to us - `my two eyes are upon thee. Whether we go up to heaven (šamema) or go down to the earth our head (rušunu) is in thy hands.' (compare Psalm 139:7f) And, behold, now, I have sought to send my caravans through my companions to the king, my lord. And let the king, my lord, know that I serve the king and am on guard." [End]
Remark: This letter helps to underscore, together with all the other evidence, that the EA period belongs in the time of the Israelite kings.
Comments: For a possible location of the city of Tagi click Here! The petroglyphic characteristics of the letter of Tagi has been described as marl typical of the Taqiye formation with chalk inclusions which fits the location of the massive mount of the village of Jatt in the Sharon thought to be Gintikirmil.
Tagi to the king, No. 2
EA#265 fc(15): mentions, `I have sent my man t[o]gether with [peo]ple to look upon the c[ounten]ance of the k[in]g, ...'; the name `Tahmaja' occurs; mentions `... gold and [twe]lve [p]airs of kitu-garments....';
Tagi to the king, No. 3
EA#266 mc(33): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `I have looked [he]re and I [ha]ve loo[ked] [the]re, but it has not become light. A[nd], [be]hold, [I have] se[t] my [two eyes] to s[er]ve [the kin]g, my lord.'; following this are only damaged phrases;
Milkili to the king, No. 1
EA#267 gc(20): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `The word which the king (string of loudations) sent me ... I care for it ... the place of the king which is in my care is well preserved.;
Milkili to the king, No. 2
EA#268 mc(20): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `Let the king know that it is well with the city of the king. ... [And] I [have sent by] the hand of Haj[a] fourty-six .... -wom(en) and five ... -men and five prisoners to the king, my lord.;
Milkilito the king, No. 3
EA#269 gc(17): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `I have heard what the king my lord has written to me. And let the king ... send archers to his servants and .... send myrrh for medicine.;
Milkilito the king, No. 4
EA#270 gc(29): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `Let the king ... know of the deed which Ianhamu has done to me since I left the presence of the king ... behold, he deman[ds] two thousand (shekels of) silve[r] from my hand and he has said to me: "Give m[e] thy wife and thy children, or, verily, I will smite (thee)." Verily, let the king know of this deed and may the king ... send chariots and ... take me to himself that I be not ruined.;
Milkilito the king, No. 5
EA#271 gc(27): uses 8 line greeting; writes, `Let the king know ... the hostility against me and against Suwardata has become mighty. So let the king deliver his land out of the hand of the Sa.Gaz-people. If not, the let the king send chariots to take u[s], so that our servants may not smite us. Let the k[in]g ... [en]quire of [I]a[n]hamu, his servant, concerning that which is do[ne] in his land.;
Sum..... to the king
EA#272 fc(25): uses 7 line greeting; writes, `[Let] the king ... [kn]ow [tha]t the regents, [who were] in the city ... have come to an end, [and (that) the who]le land of the king ... has fallen away to the Sa.Gaz.people. And let the king ... inquire of his deputy concerning that which [i]s d[on]e in the land of the k[ing] ... a[n]d let the ... order his soldiers, his ... to m[e].;
EA#273 gc(26): "To the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, say. Thus saith Ba'lat-Nese', thy handmaid: At the feet of the king, my lord, my gods, my sun, seven times and seven times I fall down. Let the king my lord know, that hostility is practiced in the land, and, therefore, the land of the king, my lord, through desertion, belongs to the Sa.Gaz-people. So let the king, my lord, care for his land, and let the king, my [l]ord, k[now] that the Sa.Gaz-people have sent to Aialuna (Ajalon) and to Sarha (Zorah) and (that) two sons of Milkili were nearly slain. Verily, let the king, my lord, know this f[a]ct.";
Comments: According to Velikovsky, Balatnese/Baalathnese could be Jezebel, wife of Ahab, who we know wrote official letters. [1.Kings 21:8] Baalatnese is translated as `Mistress of Lions' and could have been married to the `Lion Man', Lab'ayu. Her concern for Aijalon, a valley near Jerusalem, could reflect the mutual concern by Labayu himself for that location. The inverted name of Baalat Nese, Nese-Baal(at)/Nesebaal(at), compares well with Jeze-bel. Lisa Liele on the other hand, reads the name as referring to the usurper Athaliah who lived around the time of the Jehorams and Jehu. Aialuna is probably the same as Ialuna (EA#287,57), perhaps Aijalon(?). A town of Aijalon is known from OT times but its exact location has not yet been found. W.F. Albright locates Aijalon in the later area of the tribe of Dan.
Ba'lat-Nese to the king, No. 2
EA#274 gc(18): Basically starts out the same way as EA#273; "Let the king, my lord, deliver his land out of the hands of the SA.Gaz-people that it may not be destroyed, Sabuma is taken. Verily, (this is) for the information of the king, my lord."
Iahazibada to the king, No. 1
EA#275 gc(14): just says he will obey the words of the king; no further help;
Iahzibada to the king, No. 2
EA#276 gc(15): no relevant information;
Suwardata to the king, No. 1
EA#277 fc(12): Uses standard 8 line greeting; Acknowledge that he `will execute the word of the king';
Suwardata to the king, No. 2
EA#278 fc(15): same content as #277;
Suwardata to the king, No. 3
EA#279 mc(23): states, `Let the king, my lord, know that the land of the king ... has come to an end. I have [observ]ed (that) he has (marche[d fo]rth to Kelt[e and] [ag]ainst m[y] people. [S]o [let the king] send arc[hers].; mentions the `regents', `we will drive away the enemy.';
Suwardata to the king, No. 3
EA#280 gc(40): states, `The king ... has sent me to begin hostilities against Kelte. I have begun hostilities. It is well with me. My city is brought back to me.'; states, Abdi Hiba wrote to the people of Kelte to `Take silver and follow me'; states, `... Abdi-Hiba had taken my city out of my hand'; says, `Labaja is dead', `Abdi-Hiba is another Labaja';
Comment: This statement of Shuwardata that Abdi-Hiba is just another Labaya may make more sense if we consider them of the same people, albeit of another tribe, for a telling comparison. Some consider Suwardata the same person as Tagu, king of Libnah, who revolted after the rebellion of Edom, however, Lisa Liel reads Shuwardata as a title of Tagu, king of Gath-Carmel/Libnah.
Suwardata to the king, No. 4
EA#281 mc(30): Uses 7 line greeting; states `... [no]w my c[i]ties are hostile to me.'; requests archers `... that like the cit[y H]arabuwa [t]hei[r] ... be made.'; states, `....-people wil[l pr]otect ... they trembled [befo]re the king ... and my [c]oun[t]enance fell (before) the king ... kn[ow] the gr[eat hos]tility [ag]ainst m[e]. ... e[ven t]hese dogs? ... send archers.';
Comments: Harabuwa could be the city of Hebron.
Suwardata to the king, No. 5
EA#282 fc(16): uses 7 line greeting; states, `... send archers in very large numbers and deliver me (iazini).;
Comments: For a close up image of one side of an EA letter numbered in BAR as #68 but which probably should be #282 in Mercer's system see BAR, Vol. VIII, Mar/Apr 1982, p. 35.
Suwardata to the king, No. 6
EA#283 fc(33): uses 6 line greeting; states, `An[d] the king, my lord, h[as] w[rit]ten to me: "Enter, look, take." O king, my lord, who has obtained favour to be brought in to the king, my lord, to take .... or coloured .... of the king, my lord? Behold, Ianhamu is with thee. So, speak with him. ... Let the king ... know that thirty cities have begun hostilities against me. I am alone; mighty is the hostility against m[e]; the king ... has cast me out of his hand. ... Is hostility mighty against Suwardata or not?'; states, `... deliver me'; mentions `deputy', `archers';
Suwardata to the king, No. 7
EA#284 vd(35): uses 5 line greeting; states, `... all the lands of the king are taken. I am alone, and, behold, Ra[h]man[u]m[a], the o[v]erseer of the [l]and[s] of the king ... ha[s] gone [aw]ay. [N]ot[h]ing belongs to the king. Let the king ta[k]e [m]e.; interjects, `[M]ay ... the h[e]ad of the king, my lord, [to m]ake [h]im sigh, to cut o[ff] his .... .'; mentions, `the city of Ti[an]a, Ia[n]h[amu]';
Abdi-Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 1
EA#285 vd(31): this letter and perhaps also #291 were written by Abdi-Hiba residing in Jerusalem to the king of Egypt. - Who was Abdi Hiba? Clues: refers to himself in a submissive manner as servant to the king, `I am not a [regent?], I am an officer of [the king my lord] .. could also be `I am not [only] a [regent?] Complains that he has no archery protection from his enemies (Eenhamu of the habiru), also states he was put in his office in Jerusalem not because of his parents but by the king, states he can't leave to visit the king because of the enemies; mentions an official person of Eenhamu, [Addai]a; mentions archers, deputy;
Comments: See Tunip-Tessup of Tikunani in BAR, Nov. 1996, p. 22. States the Habiru were not an ethnic group but there were apparently two kinds of Habiru-people: 1) soldiers or servants and 2) independent bands of people, 2.Chronicles 22:1.
Abdi-Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 2
EA#286 fc(64): uses 4 line greeting; exlaims, "What have I done to the king, my lord? They slander me to the king, the lord: `Abdi-Heba has become faithless to the king, his lord.' Behold, neither my father nor my mother has put me in this place. The mighty hand of the king has led me into the house of my father. Why should I practice mischief against the king, the Lord? As long as the king, my lord, lives I will say to the deputy of the king, [my] lo[rd]: `Why do you love the Habiru, and hate the regents?' But therefore am I slandered before the king, my lord. Because I say: `The lands of the king, my lord, are lost,' therefore am I slandered to the king, my lord. Because I say: `The lands of the king, my lord, are lost,' therefore am I slandered to the king, my lord. But let the king, my lord, know (this): After the king, my lord, had appointed a garrison, Esenhamu took i[t] [al]l ...... E[g]ypt ... of the k[in]g, the lord; [There is n]o garrison here. [So] let the king [c]are for his land. [Let] the king [ca]re for his land. [The land]s of the king, the lord, have all deserted. Ilimilku has devastated the whole land of the king. So let the king, the lord, care for his land. I say: `I will enter into the presence of the king, my lord, and I will see the two eyes of the king, my lord.' But hostility has become mighty against me, and so I cannot come to the king, my lord. So, let it seem right to the king to send a garrison, and I will enter and see the two e[yes] of the king, my lord. So long as the king, [my] lor[d] lives, so long as de[puties] go forth, I will say: `The lands of the king are going to ruin.' (But) you do not listen to me. All regents are lost; there remains not a regent to the king, the lord. Let the king turn his attention to the archers so that archers of the king, my lord, will go forth. No lands of the king remain. The Habiru plunder all lands of the king. If archers are here this year, then the lands of the king, the lord, will remain; but if archers are not here, then the lands of the king, the lord, are lost. [T]o the scribe of the king, my lord, thus saith Abdi-Heba, thy servant: Bring words, plainly, before the king, my lord: [A]ll the lands of the king, my lord, are going to ruin." [End of the letter]
Comments: The bold printed part means that pharaoh chose one from among royal princes to succeed his father as the new vassal king. Vassal kings could have other vassals under them who in turn paid them tribute. Given the alleged atrocious and vicious way in which the Israelite God was supposed to have treated the Egyptians, EA 286 gives to conventional minded historians some confusing information, the letter to an Egyptian commissioner enquires: "Why do you favour the 'Apiru but hate the governors [i.e., local dynasts]?" (Gottwald, p.403). In conventional chronology it is indeed difficult to imagine any Egyptian having sympathy for a group whose God just ripped the heart out of their country, not considering that the Egyptians did the same to Israel without provocation! In revised view Israel aided the New Kingdom pharaoh Ahmose to come to power ushering in a lengthy period of close relations between the two countries.
Abdi Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 3. The letter implies that at the time of writing of this letter, the deputy or deputies for Palestine was/were with the pharaoh for we read: "Let the king ask the deputies if the house is very powerful. ... let him send in the land ... let the king demand for them much food, oil, clothing, until Pauru, the deputy of the king, departs for the land of Jerusalem." The next portion in the letter addresses the relationship between pharaoh's deputy and the king of Judah once we realize that, before Paura became deputy, Adaja was deputy and the king of Jerusalem relates to pharaoh what Addaja said to him: "Adaja has said to me: `Verily, Let me depart. Do thou not leave it.'" It appears that the proper procedure to resign his post was to present his resignation to the king of Jerusalem. So it seems likely that Abdi-Hiba's authority originally extended over some of the Philistine cities of the sea-coast.
This is confirmed by the fact that the rebel Philistine cities, including Gezer and Gath, fought against Abdi-Hiba himself rather than the Egyptian authorities. One of these rebels, Milkili of Gezer, wrote to another, Tagu, saying: "Let us break away from the city of Jerusalem", or according to Samuel A.B. Mercer, "Shall we then let Jerusalem go?" [EA 289]. See also the political situation.
Leaving out the 3 line greeting the letter states: "[I have heard al]l the words [which the king, my lord], [has] sent to me in ..... [Verily], the deed which .... [has] practiced (sic). He has ... copper ... .... word ......... he has brought to [the ci]t[y of Kelt]i. Let [the kin]g know (that) all lands have united in hostility to me. So, let the king care for his land. Verily, the land of [G]azri, the land of Ašqaluna and the city of Lakisi have given them food, oil and all (their) needs (mâhziramu). So, let the king provide archers. Let him send archers against the people who commit evil against the king, my lord. If in this year there are archers, then the lands a[n]d the regents will belong to the king, my lord; [but] if there are no archers, then there will also remain to the king no [land]s and no regents. [Ve]rily, this land of Urusalim, neither my father nor m[y] mother has given (it) to me; the [mi]ghty hand (zurűh) [of the king] gave (it) to me. Verily, this deed is the deed of Milkili and the deed of the sons of Labaja, which have given the land of the king to the Habiru. Behold, O king, my lord, I am right in respect to the Kaši-people. Let the king ask the deputies if the house is very powerful. Verily, they have committed a very great crime; [they ha]ve taken their implements, and the [p]ossessors of horses ar[e] abolis[hed] .... . [And] [let] him send in the land ...., which .... wi[th] .... servants, let [the king] care for them ....... the lands in the[ir] hand (See Moran's version of this sentence in italics & in brown), [and] let the king demand for the[m] much food, much oil, much clothing, until Pauru, the deputy of the king, departs for the land of Jerusalem. [A]ddaja has departed together with the garrison of the officers [which] the king had [gi]ven. Let the king know (that) Adaja [has sa]id to me: [`Veri]ly, let me depart. Do thou not leave it.' In this [year] send me a garrison, [and] send the deputy, O king. Just so we are ... I have sent to the king, [my] lor[d] .... prisoners, five thousand ....... , [three hundr]ed and eigh]teen bearers for the caravans of the king; they were taken in the fields (šatę) near Ialuna. Let the king, my lord, know (that) I am not able to send a caravan to the king, my lord .... for they information. Verily, the king has set his name upon the land of Urusalim for ever. Therefore he cannot abandon the lands of Urusalim. To the scribe of the king, my lord, say. Thus saith Abdi-Heba, thy servant: At the two feet I fall down; thy servant I am. Bring words, plainly, to the king, my lord. I am an officer of the king, I am highly (bound) to thee. And an evil deed have the people of Kasi committed against (me). I was [near]ly killed [b]y the Kaši-people in my house. Let .... the king make [a demand] on the[m]. I a[m right] [seven ti]mes and seven times, [O kin]g, my lord." [End of the complete letter]
In short, the letter mentions copper; mentions cities of Kelti (Keilah or Ekron?), [G]azri (Gezer?), Asqaluna (Ashkelon?), Lakisi (Lachish?) and Urusalim (Jerusalem); mentions archers; refers to his mother and father; mentions Milkili, sons of Labaja this way, `Verily, this deed is the deed of Milkili and the deed of the sons of Labaya which have given the land of the king to the Habiru.'; mentions the Kasi people, the deputies, crimes committed, horses, the deputy of the king Pauru, [A]d(d)aja, the garrison of officers, prisoners, bearers, caravans; mentions the place of Ialuna, that he was almost killed in his house; For more on that click Here!
Comments: The most interesting term in this document is the cuneiform for `Urusalim',`Pauru' may be the same as `Puru' of EA#289. For a focused, readable image of a clay letter of Abdi Hiba see BAR, Vol. 24, Jul/Aug 1998, p. 43; Also Vol. 29, May/Jun 2003, p. 55. Another important observation of the text suggests that the deputy of the king of Egypt was subordinate to the king of `Urusalim'
The lengths of excruciating debunking of Israel's history conventional wisdom will go to can be seen in their view which prohibits that `Urusalim' was `Jerusalem', or suggests that it was nothing more than an estate of royal dominion in Egypt. Its easier to comprehend now that false chronolgy of Egypt leads to such erroneous opinions, for they started dating things before enough evidence was in way back over a 150 years ago.
Abdi Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 4
EA#288 fc(66): mentions the East and the West; calls himself a shepherd; mentions paying tribute, his mother and father, servants; mentions 80 prisoners and the king's deputy Suta; mentions the lands of Seeri and Gintikirmil (Seir (Edom) and Gath-Carmel (Libnah?)), "Let the king care for his land. The land of the king will be lost. All of it will be taken from me; there is hostility to me. As far as the lands of Seeri (and) even to Gintikirmi there is peace to all the regents, but to me there is hostility. Although a man sees the facts, yet the two eyes of the king, my lord, do not see; for hostility is firm against me. As sure as there is a ship in the midst of the sea, the mighty arm (zurűh) of the king will seize Nahrima and Kapasi. But now the Habiru are taking the cities of the king. No regent is (left) to the king, my lord; all are lost."; writes, "Behold, Turbazu has been kill[ed] in the gate of Zilű. yet the king holds himself back. Behold, Zimrida of Lakisi - servants, who have joined with the [H]a[b]i[r]u, have smitten him. Iaptih-Adda is slain [i]n the city gate of Zilű (or Sile); it holds itself back [in respect to] - - (and) does [no]t bring the[m] to an account with (the king]."; So he says, "the two eyes of the king ... do not see"; uses metaphor of a `ship in the sea'; mentions Nahrima and Kapasi, the Habiru and the king's cities and regents; says that Turbazu has been killed in the gate of Zilu; mentions Zimrida of Lakisi and killer servants; mentions murder of Iaptih Adda in the city gate of Zilu; mentions archers, a deputy, scribe;
Comments: See map `Nahrima is most likely Mitanni. Samuel Mercer had no information on the identity of Kapasi. Iaptih-Adda may be Iapti-Hada of EA#335,9. In EA 288, ER-Heba of Jerusalem declares, 'see! Zimrida—the town(smen) of Lachish have smitten him, servants who have become 'apiru. We may ask, `How can one become a Hebrew, since Hebrew is an ethnic group into which one would have to be born. What is even more fascinating is that one can become an 'Apiru for a period of time and then revert back to ones former social status.
Abdi Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 5
EA#289 gc(51): mentions Milkilim, Tagi, Labaja and sons of Labaja, sons of Arzaja; makes reference to a regent; asks for justice; mentions "after they have taken Rubu[d]a, (they seek) now (to take) Uru[s]al[i]m"; mentions Hazati, Gintikirmil, G[i]nti (Gath?); mentions `the people/men of Ginti/Gath are/have a garrison in Bętsâni Beth-Shan'; mentions people of Kilti; mentions Haja, the son of Miare, Addaja and his house in Hazati, sending of 20 people to Egypt; mentions the king's prince `Puru' having departed from his (Abdi Hiba's) presence; requests a garrison of 50; asks for king to send Ji`enham[u];
The most important information in this letter may be where Abdi-Hiba refers to what `Milkilum' had written to `Tagi' and his sons and which may have been reproduced wrongly by Mercer in the way he used the punctuation. Mercer has: "Verily, two are our .... ... give all that they desire to the people of Kilti." Mercer makes it sound like that Abdi-Hiba then asks pharaoh, "Shall we then let Jerusalem go?" A sentence which makes more sense if uttered by Milkili. Therefore it should read: "Verily, two are our .... ... give all that they desire to the people of Kilti. Let us break our alliance with Jerusalem." as translated by Albright ; the letter closes with, `report plain words to the king.' addressed to the person receiving the letter before the king sees it to entice him to not neglect to pass on the important message in the letter;
Comments: That the men of Gath have a garrison at Beth-Shan is an indication of territorial gains after the defeat of Labaya and means that `Puru' may be the same as `Pauru'. Velikovsky thought Rubuda, `rbt' in the Palestine city list of Thutmose III, may be the city of Rabbath in Ammon (Dt. 3:11), today's city of Amman in Jordan, because, as he wrote, "The king of Jerusalem wrote to the pharaoh, `The whole land of the king is deserted' (line 44). An unexpected turn of events spared Jerusalem from humilitation. The approach of the "multitude" of "the children of Ammon, Moab, and mount Seir" (2.Chr. 20:23) toward Jerusalem was interrupted by disagreement that flared up among the allies. - Something of this happening is reflected in a letter of the king of Sumur (EA76, where it says, "Behold, he [Abdi-Ashirta/Benhadad/Ashurnasirpal] has now mustered all amelut gaz [bandits] against Sigata and Ambi." These cities were in the area of Ammon and Moab respectively. Sigata appears to be Succoth on the river Jordan. [End of Quote, Velikovsky, `Ages in Chaos', p. 281.]
In the City List of Thutmose III, city #10 (rbt) may perhaps be a candidate for Rubuta, but only if it is not 45 miles away, east of Jordan. Mercer thought it was more likely Hebron, or perhaps Judaic Bethlehem - wanting to put it closer to Jerusalem no doubt. The question is, `was Rabbath-Ammon not too far away from Jerusalem (some 45 miles in a straight line) that an army would attack one and then the other? Well, as we notice, Velikowski said that only an interruption prevented that from happening. However, would that have been possible in ca. 860 BC or close to it, the revised time of Ahab/Akhnaton that Ashurnasirpal went on such a war path? Perhaps his army was large enough to attack Ammon and Moab with his eastern wing, and the western wing be or planned to be on the road in line with Jerusalem? A very good image of this letter #289 is shown in BAR, January 2009, p. 53.
Abdi Hiba of Jerusalem to the king, No. 6
EA#290 fc(30): mentions Milkilu and Suardatu; He writes:
"They have hired soldiers of Gazri [Gezer], soldiers of Gimti [Gath], and soldiers of Kilti [Keilah or Ekron?], they have conquered the land of the city of Rubute. The land of the king has fallen away to the Habiru; and now in additon to that a city of the land of Jerusalem, whose name is Bit-Ninib (Bit Sulmani - House [Temple] of Solomon [! See artist's view of Solomon's Jerusalem.]
), a city of the king, has gone forth were the people of Kilti are."; ends letter by writing, `This (will be) the fate of the la[nd]. [L]et him [smi]te (?) the son of Milki[lu], [and l]et him sm[it]e (?) the so[n of Suardat]u ....Ginti, a[n]d let the king care for [his] land.';
Comments: For the location of Ekron see Map! For a photo of one side likely of this letter see BAR, Jul/Aug 2006, p. 58.
Was Abdi-Hiba Jehoram, son of King Jehoshaphat?: Most likely Abdi-Hiba was the alter ego of Jehoram, son of King Jehoshaphat of Judah, residing in Jerusalem. We must remember that both, Jehoshaphat and Ahab had a son named Jehoram/Joram. We are dealing here with narrow time frame for the letters. - Positive marks: In letter 289 Abdi Hiba asks for a garrison of 50, the number which is known from the Bible for such army units. Letter 288 mentions ships, which were used then between the coast of Palestine and the Nile regularly. The political scene being in turmoil is not unlike that of that period in the Bible. For more see here.
Suwardata to the king
EA#290a fc(34): mentions the Sa-Gaz-people; says all his brothers abandoned him; states he and Abdi Hiba make war on the Sa.Gaz-people; mentions Zurata of Acco and Endaruta of Aksapa as his helpers;
.... to ....
EA#291 vd(25): a much damaged letter of no help;
Addudani to the king, No. 1
EA#292 gc(52): feels hostility of people in the mountains; built a house by name of Manhate which was taken by Maia who put a deputy in it; mentions Rianap to restore house to him; mentions Beia (Biia) son of Gulat[e] who is against city of Gazri; laments city is like a broken vessel; mentions Beia in connection with payment of silver;
Comments: Some claim this name could also be read as `Balu-Shipti' or `Yau-shipti' then thought to stand for a biblical `Jehoshaphat' but not the king of that name.
Addudani to the king, No. 2
EA#293 mc(22): States, "[I h]ave heard the word, which the king, my lord, has written to his servant: `Protect the place of the king, which is in thy care. Behold, I protect it day and night.'";
Addudani to the king, No. 3
EA#294 gc(35): mentions Biia, the son of Gulate;
Addudani to the king, No. 4
EA#295 obverse vd(22): a two sided tablet; mentions Iab? - of the city of Duna?';
EA#295 reverse mc(10): says `.... has done e[vi]l against [my] associates'; mentions the city of Gamteti; says he prepares caravans to come for purpose of serving the king;
".... Behol[d], I am a faithful servant of the king, my lord. I have looked here and I have looked there; but there is no light. And I have looked to the king, my lord, and there is light. And although one brick (labitu) should move from under the feet of the king, my lord. So let the king, my lord, ask Ianhamu, his deputy. When I was small, he brought me to Egypt, and I have served the king, my lord, and I have stood in the gate of the king, my lord. And let the king, my lord, ask his deputy whether I guard the gate of Azzati and the gate of Iapu. And I, with the archers of the king, [my] lord, will [enter] where they enter. And, behold, now I hav[e] [p]l[ac]ed the fr[on]t side of the yoke (hullu) of the king, my lord, upon my n[ec]k, and I bear it." Compare EA#257;
Iapah[i] to the king, No. 1
EA#297 gc(21): Iapah was from Gazri, he and his father served the king; mentions the S[u]tu people; mentions copper [eri];
Iapahi of Gazri to the king, No. 2
EA#298 gc(33): mentions that he, Iapahi (var. Yapahu) of Gazri was `the stable man of thy horse' [translated from the cuneiform `amel qar-tab-bi']; states his younger brother rebels against him and was then in city of Mu[h]hazi and has given his support (hands) to the Sa.Gaz people; mentions king's deputy Maia; Iapahi seems to be a variant spelling of Iapah;
Iapahi (or Yapakhu?) of Gazri to the king, No. 3
EA#299 fc(26): refers now to himself as `the currier of thy horse' [here translated from the cuneiform `amel gu-zi sise-ka']; mentions he listened carefully to the words of the king's messenger; mentions the Sa.Gaz-people;
Others translate: `To the king my lord, my god ... message of Yapakhu, ruler of Gazru (Gezer) ... May the king, my lord, the Sun from the sky, take thought for his land ... lest the Apiru destroy us.' [Text and image at N. Reeves, `Ancient Egypt', p. 73]
Iapahi of Gazri to the king, No. 4
EA#300 mc(28): refers to himself again as `stable man'; requests archers for protection; states he serves king just like his father did; mentions the king's deputy Maia;
Šubandu to the king, No. 1
EA#301 gc(23): Uses 11 line greeting ending with, `.... seven times I bow down upon (my) belly and back'; States `The king ... has sent Hania to me. And, behold, I have hearkened ... attentively, and ... I have gi[ven] five hundred oxen and twenty girls. Verily. let the king ... have knowledge of it.';
Šubandu to the king, No. 2
EA#302 gc(18): Uses 10 line greeting: Follows in its formulation EA#301 without giving any details or names.;
Šubandu to the king, No. 3
EA#303 fc(21): Uses 12 line greeting; Follows in its formulation EA#301 but adds, `[I g]uard the place of the king, which is in my care, [and] I have hearkened [d]iligently [t]o Tah[m]ašši.';
Comment: One could compare `Tahmašši with Haramašši (EA#27) and perhaps Tahmaia and Tahia. The Egyptian root may be Pth-mi meaning `Ptah has begotten'.
Šubandu to the king, No. 4
EA#304 mc(10): Uses 14 line greeting; States, `I have heard the words of the t[a]blet [of the ki]ng, my lord, which he has sent to me, and, behold, I guard the place of the king which is in my care.';
Šubandu to the king, No. 5
EA#305 gc(24): Uses 14 line greeting; Essentially uses the same wording as EA#304 but adds, `And, behold, mighty are the Sa.Gaz-people against us ...';
Šubandu to the king, No. 6
EA#306 vd(43): Uses 11 line greeting; States, `Migh[ty i]s the hostility [against] the servant of the king, who vi[ew]s the land of the king, my lord (béli-ia). As for m[e] verily, I have relaxed in respect to the protection of the land of the king, because I am very ill. A[nd] yet I ha[ve] really sent ano[th]er servant of the king in order to prepare (everything) a[n]d to see [the face] of the king, the sun i[n heaven]. [An]d [ma]yest thou know, [my] lor[d], the cities and ......... thy provinc[es] [are] destroyed [by] fire. [And, beho]ld, [hostile is the land] .... naki [against th]y [servant], and ...(lines 36-40 missing) ... [d]epu[ty]...;
.... to the king
EA#307 mc(12): Uses 2 line greeting; A standard letter about taking care of the city, the mighty Sa.Gaz-people and `let [the king] care for [his] land[s]'.;
.... to the king
Obverse: EA#308 vd(8): Uses 6 line greeting; Of the main text only one word remains, `indeed';
Reverse: EA#308 mc(9): First line not readable; states, `verily, in order that [the king], ... have knowledge, in order that horses may be given to thy servant for the protection of the [guar]d of the king, ... and for the h[e]lp----;
.... to the king
EA#309 vd(28): Only 4 lines of standard greeting survive; lines 5-19 are missing; continues with `... [t]o the servants .... [a]nd one hund[red] [pieces of] silver [t]o the king, m[y] lord, ten servants a[nd] ten handmaids .... .; the rest of letter is standard text using, `king, sun in heaven, knowledge of it.';
.... to the king
EA#310 vd(17): Greeting missing except for one word, `[b]ehold'; no complete sentences survive; employs standard phrases with no new information; lines 14-17 are missing;
.... to the king
EA#311 vd(19): Greeting is largly missing; only one interesting but reconstructed phrase remains, `[the currier of thy] horse';
.... to the king
EA#312 vd(20): Uses 6 line damaged greeting; states, `[And let him k]now ..., that [the city] of my [lord (béli-ia)] is [ta]ken; lines 7-9, 14-16a, 19-20 are missing;
.... to the king
EA#313 vd(21): Seems to imply no or only a very short missing greeting; starts in line 2 with, `thirteen people ... of Egypt, who are wounded by the violence of the Sa.Gaz-people. I have given four hundred pieces of silver, besides one thousand, into the hand of the deputy of the k[in]g, who is over me; and the people, who have committed this de[e]d, the sun has given into the .... of the king, the mighty one. And, verily, two servants [of the kin]g (are) not....;
lines 19-21 are missing;
Pu-Ba'lu of Jursa to the king, No. 1
EA#314 fc(22): uses 10 line greeting; states, `Behold, I guard the place of the king ...'; mentions something about `-[s]t[o]nes, which are---';
Pu-Ba'lu of Jursa to the king, No. 2
EA#315 fc(18): uses 7 line greeting; states, `Behold, I guard the city and the place of the king ...'; assures he is waiting day and night on the commands of the king; writes, `[R]ianapa, the deputy of the [king]... whom the king has ordained, [is mi]ghty like the sun in heaven.';
Pu-Ba'lu of Jursa to the king
EA#316 fc(25): uses 9 line greeting in which the following unique statement is made, `[the cu]rri[er] of thy horses'; states, `[Be]hold, I guard the p[lace of the king], diligently. ...'; mentions `[I] h[ave he]ard the words [of Ha]b[ai]a, the dep[ut]y of the king. To Šahšihašiha, [my lord]. [Thus sai]th Puba`lu: At they feet I fall down. There was nothing in my h[ou]se a[t] my [en]tr[ance] therein, and therefore I have no[t] sent caravans to th[e]e. Behold, I pre[par]e suitable caravans for thee';
Dagantakala to the king, No. 1
EA#317 gc(25): uses 6 line greeting; Dagantakala looks back and says, `As my father [and] my [gr]andfather have done to the great king, I have (also) done to the great king, my lord, and the great king spoke to me, "Hearken to the deputy, thy regent." I have hearkened diligently.';
Dagantakala to the king, No. 2
EA#318 mc(22): uses 7 line greeting; says, `Deliver me from mig[hty] enemies. From the hand of the Sa.Gaz people, the robbers, and the Šutű';
Zurasar of A[h]tirumna to the king
EA#319 gc(23): a short letter, says he is the stable man of the king's horses; Concludes with, `[And] who is the [d]og who does not hearken to the words of the king, his lord, the sun in heaven, the son of the sun.'
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 1
EA#320 gc(25): uses 15 line greeting,`To the king, my lord, my sun, the sin [i]n heaven. Thus saith Widia, the man of Ašqaluna, thy servant, the dust of thy feet, the stable man of thy horse: At the feet of the king, my lord, seven times and seven times, indeed, I bow down on (my) belly and back.' Letter ends with the same ending as #319;
Comments: Such a submissive encounter has been carved by artists in Egypt in a relief found in the Memphite tomb of Pharaoh Horemheb where a mixed group of foreigners are engaged in just such a scene of submissive greeting. [For the good quality image see BA, Vol. 52, Mar 1989, p. 4.]
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 2
EA#321 gc(26): uses 14 line greeting as in #320; states, `The deputy of the king ... sent to me, I have hearkened attentively to his words. And behold I protect the place of the king which is in my care.;
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 3
EA#322 fc(24): same basic content as his 1st and 2nd letter.;
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 4
EA#323 mc(23): same contents as #1-3 but adds something about, `....-stones which are ...';
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 5
EA#324 fc(19): same greeting as before; states, `... behold, I have made ready for food, drink, oil, corn, oxen, .... for the warriors of the king, ..., I have [p]repared all for the warriors of the king. Who is the dog [t]hat doesn't hearken to the words of the king ...;
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 6
EA#325 fc(22): same content as #324;
Widia of Asqalon to the king, No. 7
EA#326 gc(24): same as before but adds, `And, behold, the king has instituted Rianapa as [de]puty of the king, my lord. What appears good to the king, my lord, may he bring upon my head.;
............. the king
EA#327 vd(11): words -stone, .... fifty ........ in weight occur;
Iabniilu of Lakiš[a] to the king
EA#328 gc(26): mentions king's deputy Maia; I. was king's stable man of the horses;
Zimridi of Lakiš to the king
EA#329 gc(20): uses 12 line greeting; states simply, `The messenger of the king, ... I have listened diligently and prepare everything according to that which he has spoken;
Šipti-Ba'lu to the king, No. 1
EA#330 gc(21): uses 8 line greeting; says, `And let the king, my lord, know that I have [he]ard every word of the king, my lord. Further: Behold, Ianhamu is a faithful servant of the king and the dust of the foot of the king. Further: Let the king ... know that the city of the king, which is in my care, is safe.'
Šipti-Ba'lu to the king, No. 2
EA#331 fc(23): uses 12 line greeting; no additional information;
Šipti-Ba'lu to the king, No. 3
EA#332 vd(6): only the greeting is preserved;
Ebi to a prince
EA#333 fc(26): mentions persons of Šipti-Ba[`]lu, Zimrida, Pabu, ...rabiilu; mentions city of Iarami;
---dih of Zuhra [-?] to the king
EA#334 fc(11): name `--dih' is damaged; pleads for king to protect the cities and care for his land;
--- [of Z]uhr[u] to the king
EA#335 vd(20): mentions `[the man of the city of Z]uhr[u]; states, `Le[t the kin]g, my lord, [know] that n[o soldie]rs [are here], and (that) Tu[rbazu and] Iaptihada are slain, and (that) [L]akisi has practiced hos[tility]'; mentions also that `Lakisi is hostile and has con[quer]ed Muhrasti;
Hiziri to the king, No. 1
EA#336 vd(9): very short letter with no help; Hiziri appears to have been a military and logistical planner;
Hiziri to the king, No. 2
EA#337 gc(30): uses 6 line greeting; states, `The king, my lord, has w[r]itten to me: `Make ready tents (malania) for the ar[m]y (bi[t]ati) (the archers) o[f] the king...'; `Let the g[od] of the king ... grant that the king depart with his army, and learn about his lands. For I have prepared great tents for the army of the king my lord. And the king has written, `Protect Maia the deputy of the king. Truly Maia will be protected.';
Zi... to the king
EA#338 vd(14): only very short letter with no complete lines and textual help;
..... to the king
EA#339 vd(7): only very short letter with no complete lines and textual help;
EA#340 vd(8): only very short letter with no complete lines and textual help; `chariots', `the sea', `clouds in heaven' occurs;
EA#341 vd(11): only very short letter with no complete lines; `to the su[n]-god
occurs; also `[N]ergal and al[l the] gods'; `Kišši in this m[an]ner...'; `....into the hands of man, he opened the city-gates...'; `Protect Kišši [i]n..... since Šamaš gave command....'; `.... I kill him....';
EA#342 - 355a vd: only very short letters with no complete lines; untranslated fractional words;
Adapa and the South Wind
EA#356 fc(71): A poetic story;
Ereskigal and Nergal
EA#357 md(88): A poetic story;
Fragments of a Myth the contents of which are difficult to determine
EA#358 vd(37): A poetic story;
The Epic of the King of Battle
EA#359 obverse, mc(35); reverse mc(29);
EA#360 vd(8): no words preserved;
EA#361 vd(6): no usable contents;
No letters 362 - 364 provided edition;
From Biridiya to the king
EA#365 gc(31): uses 7 line greeting; wants to let king know about his city (Megiddo); states, `... I alone am cultivating in the city of Shunama and ... provide forced labor (`aweluti mazza' palace service, corvee).' ; continues `the mayers who are near me do not do as I do. ... I alone provide forced labor.'; mentions the city of Yapu and Nuribta, `From the city of Yapu they come, from my resources(?), as well as from the city of Nuribta.';
From pharaoh to Endaruta of Akshapa
EA#367 gc(25): no greeting; begins with, `To Endaruta, the ruler of Akshapa, say: `Thus says the king: He sends this tablet to you saying to you, Be on guard; guard the place of the king where you are.'; continues, `Behold, the king sends you Hanni, the son of Maireya, the deputy of the king in Canaan (`Ki-na-ah-hi').' states, `And prepare for the archers a great deal of food, and wine, and a great deal of everything else. Indeed, he will reach you very quickly, and he will behead (`qaqqad') the enemies of the king.';
Additional EA like letters found since
EA#1001 fc: To Lab'aya my lord, speak. Message of Tagi: "To the King (Pharaoh), my lord: `I have listened carefully to your missive to me ... '"
Comments: This brief, cylindrical letter was found at Beth Shean and was described by Wayne Horowitz, `The Amarna Age Inscribed Clay Cylinder from Beth-Shean' in BA, June 1997, p. 97-100.
EA#1002 vd: (I) "The king's daughter of his body Ankhsenpa. . . . . . .; born to the king's daughter of his body Ankhsenpa......; (Neferkheperure .....) given life ........ f; (II) ........................................f Ankhs.; ...................... (female determinative) may she live.; .......................................tf Ankhsen.; ......................... (Little or younger)....................; (III) .............. lord of the circuit of the Aton ...............; the sunshade .....................; ................. the daughter of body ............; ................. enpaaton.; .................... enpaaton."
Comments: Based on some broken, inscribed Amarna blocks found by Helmut Brunner at Hermopolis, a site not far from Akhetaten. Brunner wishes to restore it into three sections and translates the only relevant section (I), "[The king's daughter of] his [body], Ankhs [enpaaton], may she live, [the king's daughter of his body], his [beloved], Ankhsen [paaton] the younger." - He restores the (III) similarly to an inscription regarding the sunshade or shrine of Tiy depicted in the tomb of Huya/Huje at Amarna: "[Live the Aton, great lord of Hebseds, lord] of the whole circuit of the Aton [lord of heaven lord of earth in], the sunshade of [Re of the king's] daughter of his body [his beloved Ankhs], enpaaton ............ [Ankhs] enpaaton." [Ibid. p. 105.] See H. Brunner, Eine Neue Amarna Princessin', Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprach und Altertumskunde (ZASA), Vol. 74, p. 104f.; Cited in F.J. Giles, Ikhnaton, Legend and History, p. 51,52.
1003: "To Ibni.......". [1003
The Gezer EA Period Correspondence 
(Numeration by CIAS. These letters appear to belong to the later, post EA Assyrian period.)
Letter of Sealants
EA#2001 mc: Obverse (4): "Seal of Maruduk-eriba, son of ... Seal of Abi-eriba, son of ... total, 2 men, owners of the houses, field (?) (`sold?') the house of Lu-ahe, to ..."
Seals: "The people [probably slaves] Turi-Aa, his two wives, his son, 3 men ... 2"
Reverse (14): "[The money sevenfold to their owners] he shall return, [in the lawsuit he shall plead and] he shall not receive. Guarantee (?) [against] sickness(?) for a hundred days, physical defect(?) for all time. Month Sivan, day 17th eponymy which is after Assur-dura-usur, prefect of Mashalzu. Before Zaggi, before Tebetaa; before Bel-apla-iddina; before Maruduk-nasir; before Huruasi, the governor; before Burrapiu the commis[sion-agent]; before Zera-ukin, son of Tebetaa; before Hitadin (or Addu-tadin/Adadi-tadin); before Si'--, before Mannu-ki-arba-ilu; before ..., before Zerutu."
Letter of Sealants
EA#2002 mc: Obverse (4): "The seal of Natan-lau (Netgabiah) the owner of the field made over (area) of field next Sini .... next Sini ...."
Reverse (5): "in the presence of ..., in the presence of Bu-sik- ... -is, in the presence of Zer-ukin, in the presence of Nergal-sar-usur, in the month Shebat, fourth day."
Lower edge (2): "Eponymy of Ahi-ilai, Viceroy of Carchemish." 
EA#2003 vg: The condition of this cuneiform tablet seems to be very good but so far we have not seen its transliteration which appears to be under way led by the Assyriologist Wayne Horowitz and Takayoshi Oshimar. The team working on this tablet, shown in the linked issue, is one of several discovered more recently in Jerusalem. The tablet is atributed to Abdi Hiba on the ground of style. The reader can look into the history, based on written history rather than pottery, and defended by CIAS following the links.
Two Letters from Ugarit/ Ras Shamrah
EA#2100 mc: "Thus (saith) the king of the land of Carchemish: unto Ašukwari(?), king of the land of Ugarit, say, `May it be well with thee! When thou didst send thy messenger on account of the slave of Nanâ and of the armorer(?) of Tuli(ya)ša(?) - and Nanâ had ransomed from the Sutű for 50 shekels of silver (and) of their own free will hither eh[ey came](?) - then to Tuliyaša(?) I spoke thus, `Let Nanâ bring the slave and thus (here) let him state the circumstances; let no one [raise (further) claims].' And Tuli[yaša](?) spoke thus, `Let Nanâ swear by the life(?) of the king.' And Nanâ swore by my life. And as for the 100 shekels of silver for the captive which thou hast sent, since these men of thine I have sold for 40 shekels(?), (I say), (for) this captive I(!) will not take 100 (pieces) of silver! And Nanâ is likewise - to know (this)!" [Albright, BASOR, Apr 1941, p. 44ff. Mentions difficulty of locating the French historians M.M.Dussaud, Virolleaud, Dhorme and Thureau-Dangin in 1941. Ugarit/Ras Shamra was destroyed by Shalmanassar/Shalmaneser III ca. 856 BC.]
EA#2110 gc: "Message of Ewiri-shar to Plsy say, `May it be well with thee, with Trxds and with Klby! Thou hast heard of the blows by which we have been shattered (ruined) - indeed, behold, there is nothing (left) - we are ruined! So send (help) to me. And the hand of the god is here, for the pestilence is exceeding sore. Behold(?) we press for thy answer. And whatever news thou dost here there put into a letter to me!" [Ibid., p. 47-48.]
A Letter from Shechem
Shechem Letter#2500 gc: "Unto Birashshena say: Thus Banîtî-[Ashirat(?)], `From three years (ago) until now thou hast me paid - is there no grain nor oil nor wine(?) which thou canst send? What is my offense that thou hast not paid [me]? The children who are with me continue to learn - their father and their mother every [day a]like am I ...... Now [behold] whatever [there is] at the disposal of [my lord] [let him send ] unto me, and let him inform me!'"
Archaeology: Shechem yielded a two story colonaded structure near the NW gate judged to be the local king's dwelling.[BA, Sept. 87, p. 155,164. James B. Pritchard, The Ancient Near East, Vol. 1, p.277.]
Letters from Taanach [n3001]
T#3001 gc: (1) "To Rewašša say, Thus Guli-Adad. Live well! May the gods take note of thy welfare, the welfare of thy house, of thy children! Thou hast written to me with regard to silver, and behold I will give 50 shekels of silver - verily I will do (so)! Further, why dost thou not send thy greetings to me? And everything that thou hearest from there write to me. Further, and if there is a wizard of Asherah (1.Ki.18:19ff), let him tell our fortunes, and let me hear quickly (?); and the (oracular) sign and interpretation send to me. With regard to thy daughter who is in the town of Rubűtu, we are informed about her welfare; and if she grows up thou shalt give her to become a singer(?), or to a husband."
T#3002 gc: (2) "To Rewašša say, Thus Akhiyami. May the lord of the gods protect thy life. My brother art thou and there is no friend in (thy) place; and thou dost remember that I was ambushed in Gurra, so give me this day two chariot-wheels and an axle and two chariot .... And when the making of the axle has been completed, send it to me by Purdaya. Further, give charge to thy towns and let them do their work (corvée) - anyone injures my person who attacks (thy) towns. Now behold me, that I do well by thee! Further, if there are copper arrows, let them be given (to me). Further, let Ilu-râpiî come to me at Rahâbu or I will send my man to thee, for truly I would be affianced!"
T#3005 gc: (5) "To Rewašša thus Amenophis. May Baal protect thy life! Send me thy brethren together with their chariots, and send me the horse(s) as thy tribute and special gifts (for me). And as for all the captives who are there with thee, send them to me tomorrw at Megiddo."
T#3006 vd: (6) "To Rewašša thus Amenophis. May Baal protect thy life! And behold Sűnu son of Narzu shalt thou send to me. Further, in the garrison there are none of thy retainers, and thou dost not come to my presence, nor dost thou send thy brother! Further, I was in the town of Gaza and thou didst not come to me. Behold, I [am ...] for war, [but thou wast not] there [nor thy brethren (?).] Further, [thy] breth[ren(?) were] not mustered(?) [and thou didst] not send [them to] me ..."
A Letter from Tell el-Hesi
H#3100 fc: (27) "[To the] chief say! [Thus] Pa'apu, at thy feet I have fallen. Shipti-Ba'lu and Zimreda speak disloyally in public and Shipti-Balu hath spoken to Zimreda (saying), `The chief of the town of Yaramu hath sent word unto me, (so) give me, pray six (?) bows and three daggers and three swords. In the event that I go out against the land of the king thou shalt be leagued with me!' And yet he doth reject (the imputation of) disloyalty to the crown (saying), `The one who is disloyal to the king, is Pa'apu, so order him to confront me!' And [now] Rabi-ilu I have ordered [to] bring him (to there) [because] of this matter." 
Letter of Mut-Ba'lu, Prince of Pella, to Yanhamu
P#3200 gc: (21) "To Yanhamu, my lord, say, Thus Mut-Ba'lu thy servant. At the two feet of my lord I have fallen. How can it be said, `Before thee Mut-Ba'lu hath fled; Ayyab he hath concealed?' How could the king of Pella have fled from the commissioner (sokinu) of the king, his lord? As the king, my lord, liveth, as the king, my lord, liveth, Ayyab is not in the town of Pella. Behold, for two months he hath [not been here(?)]. Pray, ask Ben-elima --- pray, ask Tadua --- pray, ask Yashuya --- (ask) also whether (it was) at the instance (?) of the house of Shulum-Marduk (that) the town of Ashtaroth came to help when all the towns of the land of Garu were hostile --- Udumu, the town of Aduru, Araru, the town of Meshqu, the town of Magdalu, the town of Enu-anabi, the town of Zarqu, (and when) were captured the town of Ayyanu and the town of Yabilima. Further, behold, after thou didst send a tablet to me, I wrote him; before thou dost arrive from thy journey, behold he will arrive in Pella and will verily hear [thy] orders." 
The Lion Woman to the king
P#3210 gc (15) "To the king my lord, say, Thus Lady-of-the-Lions, thy maid-servant, the dust of thy feet. At the feet of the king, my lord, I fall seven times seven times. Let the king, my lord, rescue his land from the hands of the raiders! Let her not perish, thy city, the town of Zaphon! And this is for the information of the king, my lord!" 
A Letter from Ugarit
U#4001 fc: (40) "... to ... to arri[ve] . The Su[n] .. he bows .. and king .. to .. how .. and to Niq[maddu] .. [And] Niqmaddu, ]the king of Ugarit], with the Su[n, the great king], his lord, is at peace. [And the Sun] the great king, his lord (the loyalty) of Niqmaddu, the king of Ugar[it], has seen. And Suppiluliuma, the gre[at] king, made a treaty with Niqmaddu. Here is the tribute which Niqmaddu brings to the Sun of Arinna: twel[ve] minas, twenty shekels total, a (golden) cup, a mina of gold, and four garments, onle lar[ge (linen) gar]ment, 5 precious stones, 5 lapis lazuli gems. The tribute which Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit, brings to the Sun, the great king, his lord: a golden cup, a (linen) garment, 100 precious stones, 100 lapis lazuli gems for the queen; a golden cup, a (linen) garment, 100 precious stones, 100 lapis lazuli gems for the crown prince, a silver cup, a (linen) garment, 100 precious stones, 100 lapis lazuli gems for the chief scribe; [a silver cup, a (linen) gar]ment, 100 precious st[ones], [100 lapis lazuli gems for] the chief ste[ward]; ... ..ems for the vizier."